Towards evening arrive within sight of Jona, and a tremendous chain of rocks, lying to the South of it, rendered more horrible by the perpetual noise of breakers. Defer our entrance into the Sound till day-light.

About eight of the clock in the morning very narrowly escape striking on the rock Bonirevor,1 apparent at this time by the breaking of a wave: our master was at some distance in his boat, in search of sea fowl, but alarmed with the danger of his vessel, was hastening to its relief; but the tide conveyed us out of reach of the rock, and saved him the trouble of landing us; for the weather was so calm as to free us from any apprehensions about our lives. After tiding for three hours, anchor in the sound of Jona, in three fathoms water, on a white sandy bottom; but the safest anchorage is on the East side, between a little isle and that of Mull:2 this sound is three miles long and one broad, shallow and in some parts dry at the ebb of spring-tides: is bounded on the East by the island of Mull; on the West, by that of Jona, the most celebrated of the Hebrides.

JULY 9
Sound of Jona.

Multitudes of gannets were now fishing here: they precipitated themselves from a vast height, plunged on their prey at lest two fathom deep, and took to the air again as soon as they emerged. Their sense of seeing must be exquisite; but they are often deceived, for Mr. Thompson informed me, that he had fre-



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quently taken them by placing a herring on a hook, and sinking it a fathom deep, which the gannet plunges for and is taken.

The view of the Jona was very picturesque: the East side, or that which bounds the sound, exhibited a beautiful variety; an extent of plain, a little elevated above the water, and almost covered with the ruins of the sacred buildings, and with the remains of the old town, still inhabited.3 Beyond these the island rises into little rocky hills, with narrow verdant hollows between (for they merit not the name of vallies) and numerous enough for every recluse to take his solitary walk, undisturbed by society.

The island belongs to the parish of Ross, in Mull;4 is three miles long, and one broad; the East side mostly flat; the middle rises into small hills; the West side very rude and rocky: the whole is a singular mixture of rock and fertility.

The soil is a compound of sand and comminuted sea shells, mixed with black loam; is very favorable to the growth of bear, natural clover, crowsfoot and daisies. It is in perpetual tillage, and is ploughed thrice before the sowing: the crops at this time made a promising appearance, but the seed was committed to the ground at very different times; some, I think, about the beginning of May, and some not three weeks ago. Oats do not succeed here; but flax and potatoes come on very well. I am informed that the soil in Col, Tir-I, and North and South Uist, is similar to that in Jona.

Soil.
Produce.

The tenants here run-rig,5 and have the pasturage in common. It supports about a hundred and eight head of cattle, and about five hundred sheep. There is no heath in this island: cattle unused to that plant give bloody milk; which is the case with the cattle of Jona transported to Mull, where that vegetable abounds; but the cure is soon effected by giving them plenty of water.6


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Servants are paid here commonly with a fourth of the crop, grass for three or four cows, and a few sheep.

The number of inhabitants is about a hundred and fifty:7 the most stupid and the most lazy of all the islanders; yet many of them boast of their descent from the companions of St. Columba.8

A few of the more common birds frequent this island: wild geese breed here, and the young are often reared and tamed by the natives.

Birds.

The beautiful Sea-Bugloss 9 makes the shores gay with its glaucous leaves and purple flowers. The Eryngo, or sea-holly,10 is frequent; and the fatal Belladonna 11 is found here.

Plants.

The Granites durus rubescens,12 the same with the Egyptian, is found in Nuns-isle,13 and on the coast of Mull: a Breccia quartzose,14 of a beautiful kind, is common; and the rocks to the South of the bay of Martyrs is formed of the Swedish Trapp ? [sic] useful to glass makersi.15

Fossils.

Jona derives its name from a Hebrew word, signifying a dove, in allusion to the name of the great saint, Columba, the founder of its fame.16 This holy man, instigated by his zeal, left his native country, Ireland, in the year 565, with the pious design of preaching the gospel to the Picts.17 It appears that he left his native soil with warm resentment, vowing never to make a settlement within sight of that hated island. He made his first trial at Oransay,18 and on finding that place too near to Ireland, succeeded to his wish at Hy,19 for that was the name of Jona at the time of his arrival. He repeated here the experiment on several hills, erecting on each a heap of stones; and that which he last ascended is to this day called Carnan-chul-reh-EIRINN,20 or, the eminence of the back turned to Ireland.

Name.
St. Columba.

Columba was soon distinguished by the sanctity of his manners: a


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miracle that he wrought so operated on the Pictish king, Bradeus, that he immediately made a present of the little isle to the saint. It seems that his majesty had refused Columba an audience; and even proceeed so far as to order the palace gates to be shut against him; but the saint, by the power of his word, instantly caused them to fly open.21

As soon as he was in possession of Jona he founded a cell of monks, borrowing his institutions from a certain oriental monastic orderii.22 It is said that the first religious were canons regular;23 of whom the founder was the first abbot: and that his monks, till the year 716, differed from those of the church of Rome, both in the observation of Easter, and in the clerical tonsure.24 Columba led here an exemplary life, and was highly respected for the sanctity of his manners for a considerable number of years. He is the first on record who had the faculty of second-sight, for he told the victory of Aidan over the Picts and Saxons on the very instant it happened.25 He had the honor of burying in his island, Convalius and Kinnatil, two kings of Scotland, and of crowning a third. At length, worn out with age, he died, in Jona, in the arms of his disciples;26 was interred there, but (as the Irish pretend) in after-times translated to Down; where, according to the epitaph, his remains were deposited with those of St. Bridget and St. Patric.

Second-sight.

Hi tres in Dun tumulo tumulantur in uno; Brigida, Patricius, atque Columba pius.27

But this is totally denied by the Scots; who affirm, that the contrary is shewn in a life of the saint, extracted out of the pope's library, and translated out of the Latin into Erse, by father Cail o horan;28 which decides, in favor of Jona, the momentous disputeiii.


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After the death of St. Columba, the island received the name of Y-columb-cill, or, the isle of the cell of Columba. In process of time the island itself was personified, and by a common blunder in early times converted into a saint, and worshipped under the title of St. Columb-killa.

The religious continued unmolested during two centuries: but in the year 807 were attacked by the Danes,30 who with their usual barbarity, put part of the monks to the sword, and obliged the remainder, with their abbot Cellach, to seek safety by flying from their rage. The monastery remained depopulated for seven years; but on the retreat of the Danes received a new order, being then peopled by the Cluniacs,31 who continued there till the dissolution when the revenues were united to the see of Argyle.

Took boat and landed on the spot called the Bay of Martyrs: the place where the bodies of those who were to be interred in this holy ground, were received, during the period of superstition.

Bay of martyrs.

Walked about a quarter of a mile to the South, in order to fix on a convenient spot for pitching a rude tent, formed of oars and sails, as our day residence, during our stay on the island.

Observe a little beyond, an oblong inclosure, bounded by a stone dike, called Clachnan Druinach, and supposed to have been the burial place of the Druids, for bones of various sizes are found there. I have no doubt but that Druidism was the original religion of this place;32 yet I suppose this to have been rather the common cemetery of the people of the town, which lies almost close to the Bay of Martyrs.

Having settled the business of our tent, return through the town, consisting at present of about fifty houses, mostly very mean, thatched with straw of bear pulled up by the roots, and bound tight on the roof with ropes made of heath. Some of

Town.

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the houses that lie a little beyond the rest seemed to have been better constructed than the others, and to have been the mansions of the inhabitants when the place was in a flourishing state, but at present are in a very ruinous condition.

Visit every place in the order that they lay from the village, The first was the ruin of the nunnery,33 filled with canonesses of St. Augustine, and consecrated to St. Oran. They were permitted to live in community for a considerable time after the reformation, and wore a white gown; and above it a rotchet34 of fine linnen iv.

Nunnery.

The church35 was fifty-eight feet by twenty: the roof of the east end is entire, is a pretty vault made of very thin stones, bound together by four ribs meeting in the centre. The floor is covered some feet thick with cow-dung; this place being at present the common shelter for the cattle; and the islanders are too lazy to remove this fine manure, the collection of a century, to enrich their grounds.36

Its church.

With much difficulty, by virtue of fair words, and a bribe, prevale on one of these listless fellows to remove a great quantity of this dung-hill; and by that means once more expose to light the tomb of the last prioress.37 Her figure is cut on the face of the stone; an angel on each side supports her head; and above them is a little plate and a comb. The prioress occupies only one half of the surface: the other is filled with the form of the virgin MARY, with head crowned and mitred; the child in her arms and, to denote her Queen of Heaven, a sun and moon appear above. At her feet is this address, from the prioress: Sancta MARIA ora pro me.38 And round the lady is inscribed, Hic jacet Domina Anna Donaldi Terletiv filia quondam Priorissa de JONA quae obiit an~o mo do ximo ejus animam ALTISSIMO commendamus.39

Tomb.

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Mr. Stuart, who some time past visited this place,40 informed me, that at that time he observed this fragment of another inscription: Hic jacet Mariota filia Johan: Lauchlani Domini de...41

Besides this place of sepulture, was another on the outside, allotted for the nuns; where, at a respectable distance from the virtuous recluses, lies in solitude, a frail sister.

This nunnery could never have been founded (as some assert) in the days of St. Columba, who was no admirer of the fair sex: in fact, he held them in such abhorrence, that he detested all cattle on their account, and would not permit a cow to come within sight of his sacred walls; because, 'Sfar am bi bo, bi'dh bean, 'Sfar am bi bean, bi'dh mallacha: "Where there is a cow, there must be a woman; and where there is a woman, there must be mischief."42

Advance from hence along a broad paved way, which is continued in a line from the nunnery to the cathedral: another branches from it to the Bay of Martyrs: and a third, narrower than the others, points towards the hills.43

On this road is a large and elegant cross, called that of Macleane, one of three hundred and sixty, that were standing in this island at the reformationvi, but immediately after were almost entirely demolished by order of a provincial assembly, held in the island. It seems to have been customary in Scotland for individuals to erect crosses, probably in consequence of some vow, or perhaps out of a vain hope of perpetuating their memory.

Arrive at Reilig ourain,44 or the burying-place of Oran: a vast enclosure; the great place of interment for the number of monarchs who were deposited here; and for the potentates of every isle, and their lineage; for all were ambitious of lying in this holy spot. The place is in a manner filled with grave-stones, but so

Reilig ourain.

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overgrown with weeds, especially with the common butter-bur,45 that very few are at present to be seen.

I was very desirous of viewing the tombs of the kings, described by the DEAN of the isles, and from him by Buchanan: the former saysvii that in his time there were three, built in form of little chapels: on one was inscribed, Tumulus Regum Scotiae.46 In this were deposited the remains of forty-eight Scottish monarchs, beginning with Fergus II. and ending with the famous Macbeth: for his successor, Malcolm Canmore, decreed, for the future, Dumferline to be the place of royal sepultureviii.47 Of the Scottish monarchs interred in Jona, sixteen are pretended to be of the race of Alpin, and are styled, Righrid Ailpeanach.48

Tombs of the KINGS.

Fergus was the founder of this Mausoleum 49 (Boethius calls it Abatia)ix and not only directed, that it should be the sepulchre of his successors, but also caused an office to be composed for the funeral ceremony.

The next was inscribed, Tumulus REGUM Hiberniae, containing four Irish monarchs; and the third, Tumulus REGUM Norwegiae, containing eight Norwegian princes, or more probably vice-roys, of the Hebrides, while they were subject to that crown.50

That so many crowned heads, from different nations, should prefer this as the place of their interment, is said to have been owing to an antient prophecy:

Seachd bliadna roimh'n bhraà. Thig muir thar EIRIN re aon tra’ Sthar ILE ghuirm ghlais Ach Snàmhaidh I CHOLUI clairich.

Which is to this effect: “Seven years before the end of the world, a deluge shall drown the nations: the sea, at one tide shall cover Ireland, and the green headed Ilay; but Columba's isle shall swim above the flood."51


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But of these celebrated tombs we could discover nothing more than certain slight remains, that were built in a ridged form, and arched within; but the inscriptions were lost. These are called Jomaire nan righ, or, The ridge of the kings. Among these stones were found two with galic inscriptions, and the form of a cross carved on each: the words on one were, Cros Domhail fat'asich, or, The cross of Donald Long-shank:52 the other signified the cross of Urchvine o Guin.53 The letters were those of the most antient Irish alphabet, exhibited in Vallancey's Irish grammar.

Among the same stones is also the following: Hic jacent quatuor Priores de Hy,54 Johannes, Hugenius, Patricius ; in decretisolim Bacularius55 qui obiit an. Dom. millessmo quingentessimo.56

I am indebted to Mr. Stuart for these three inscriptions, which he met with in his former voyage; arriving before the growth of the all-covering weeds.57 Mr. Frazier,58 son to the DEAN of the isles, informed Mr. Sacheverel, governor of the isle of Man, who visited Jona in 1688, that his father had collected there three hundred inscriptions, and presented them to the Earl of Argyle; which were afterwards lost in the troubles of the family.59

The chapel of St. Oran stands in this space, which legend reports to have been the first building attempted by St. Columba: by the working of some evil spirit, the walls fell down as fast as they were built up.

St. Oran.

After some consultation it was pronounced, that they never would be permanent till a human victim was buried alive: Oran, a companion of the saint, generously offered himself, and was interred accordingly: at the end of three days St. Columba had the curiosity to take a farewel look at his old friend, and caused the earth to be removed: to the surprize of all beholders, Oran started up, and began to reveal the secrets of his prison-house; and particularly declared, that all that had been said of hell was a mere


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joke. This dangerous impiety so shocked Columba, that, with great policy, he instantly ordered the earth to be flung in again: poor Oran was overwhelmed, and an end for ever put to his prating. His grave is near the door, distinguished only by a plain red stone.60

Boethius x gives us reason to suppose, before this period, Jona to have been the habitation of the weird sisters and Cacodaemons;61 for King Natholocus, like Saul of old,62 consulted in this island an old witch, of uncommon fame: no wonder, therefore, that the prince of darkness should be interested in the overthrow of edifices that were to put an end to his influence.

In Oran's chapel are several tombs, and near it many more: within, beneath a recess formed with three neat-pointed arches,63 is a tombstone with a ship and several ornaments. I forget whether the sails were furled: in that case the deceased was descended from the antient kings of man 64 of the Norwegian xi race, who used those arms.

Tombs.

Near the South end is the tomb of the abbot Mac-kinnon's father, inscribed, Haec est crux Lauchlani Mc. Fingon et ejus fili Johannis Abbatis de HY. facta an. Dom. Mo++ CCCCLXXXIX.65

Another of Macdonald of Ilay and Cantyre, commonly called Innus, or Angus oig,66the chief of the name. He was a strong friend to Robert Bruce, and was with him at the battle of Banockbourne. His inscription is, Hic jacet corpus Angusii filii Domini Angusii Mc. Domhnill de Ilay.67

In another place lies the grave-stone of Ailean Nan Sop, a Ceatharnarch,68 or head of a party, of the name of Macleane; from whom is descended the family of Torloisg.69 The stone is ornamented with carving and a ship.70

A Macleane, of Col, appears in armour, with a sword in his left hand.71 A Macleane, of Duart,72 with armour, shield and two-handed


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sword. And a third, of the same name of the family of Lochbuy:73 his right hand grasps a pistol, his left a sword. Besides these, are numbers of other antient heroes, whose very names have perished, and they deprived of their expected glory: their lives were like the path of an arrow, closed up and lost as soon as past; and probably in those times of barbarism, as fatal to their fellow-creatures.

About seventy feet South of the chapel is a red unpolished stone; beneath which lies a nameless King of France.74 But the memory of the famous old doctor of Mull has had a better fate, and is preserved in these words: Hic jacet Johannes Betonus Maclenorum familia, medicus, qui mortuus est 19 Novembris 1657. AEt. 63. Donaldus Betonus fecit. 1674.

Ecce cadit jaculo victricis mortu iniquae; Qui toties alios solverat ipse mali Soli DEO Gloria.75

A little North-West of the door is the pedestal of a cross: on it are certain stones, that seem to have been the supports of a tomb. Numbers who visit this island (I suppose the ELECT impatient for the consummation of all things) think it incumbent or them to turn each of these thrice round, according to the course of the sun. They are called Clacha-bràth;76 for it is thought that the bràth, or end of the world, will not arrive till the stone on which they stand is worn through. Originally, says Mr. Sacheverel, here were three noble globes, of white marble, placed on three stone basons, and these were turned round; but the synod ordered them, and sixty crosses, to be thrown into the sea. The present stones are probably substituted in place of these globes.77

The precinct of these tombs was held sacred, and enjoyed the privileges of a Girth, or sanctuary xii. These places of retreat

Sanctuary

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were by the antient Scotch law, not to shelter indiscriminately every offender, as was the case in more bigotted times in catholic countries: for here all atrocious criminals were excluded; and only the unfortunate delinquent, or the penitent sinner shielded from the instant stroke of rigorous justice. The laws are penned with such humanity and good sense, that the reader cannot by displeased with seeing them in their native simplicityxiii.

'Gif any fleis to HALIE KIRK moved with repentance confesses there that he heavilie sinned, and for the love of GOD is come to the house of GOD for safetie of himself, he sall nocht tine78 life nor limme bot quhat he has taken frae anie man he sall restore same-ikill79 to him, and sall satisfie the King according to the law of the countrie.

And swa sall swere upon the HALIE EVANGELL that there-after he sall never commit reif80 nor theift. Alex. 11. c. 6

If ane manslayer takes himself to the immunitie of the Kirk he sould be admonissed and required to come forth and present himself to the law; to knaw gif the slauchter was committed be forthocht81 felonie or murther.

And gif he be admonissed and will not come furth; fra that time furth in all time thereafter he sal be banished and exiled as ane committer of murther and forethocht felonie; keep and reservand to him the immunitie of the kirk to the whilk he take himself. Rob. 11, c. 9.

Particular care was also taken that they should receive no injury during their retreat: penalties were enacted for even striking, but for the murder of any, 'The King was to have from the slayer twentve nine kyes82 and ane zoung kow; and the offender was also to assithe83 to the friends of the defunct conforme to the laws of the cuntrie. Wil. c. 5.84




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The cathedral 85 lies a little to the north of this inclosure: is in the form of a cross. The length from east to west is a hundred and fifteen feet. The breadth twenty three. The length of the transept seventy.86 Over the centre is a handsome tower: on each of which is a window with stone work of different forms in every one.

Cathedral.

On the south side of the chancel are some Gothic arches supported by pillars, nine feet eight inches high, including the capitals; and eight feet nine inches in circumference.87 The capitals are quite peculiar; carved round with various superstitious figures, among others is an angel weighing of souls.88

The altar was of white marble veined with grey, and is vulgarly supposed to have reached from side to side of the chancel: but Mr. Sacheverel xiv, who saw it when almost entire, assures us that the size was six feet by four.89

Altar.

The demolition of this stone was owing to the belief of the superstitious; who were of opinion, that a piece of it conveyed to the possessor success in whatever he undertook. A very small portion is now left; and even that we contributed to diminish.90

Near the altar is the tomb of the abbot Mac-kinnon. His figure lies reumbent, with this inscription round the margin, Hic jacet Johannes Mac-Fingone abbas de Hy, qui obit anno Domini Millessimo quingentessimo cujus animae propitietur Deus altissinus. Amen.91

On the other side is the tomb and figure of Abbot Kenneth.92 On the floor is the effigy of an armed knight, with a whilk by his side, as if he just had returned from the feast of shells in the hall of Fingal.93

All the tombs lie East and West; the head to the West; pro-



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bably from a superstition that at the general resurrection, they may rise with their faces to the East.94

Among these funereal subjects, the interment (a few years ago) of a female remarkable for her lineage must not be omitted. She was a direct descendant and the last of the Clan an oister, ostiarii, or door-keepers to the monastery. The first of the family came over with Columba, but falling under his displeasure, it was decreed on the imprecation of this irritable saint, that never more than five of his clan should exist at one time; and in consequence when a sixth was born, one of the five was to look for death. This, report says, alway happened till the period that the race was extinguished in this woman.95

It is difficult to say when the present church was built: if we may credit Boethius, it was rebuilt by Malduinus, in the seventh century, out of the ruins of the former.96 But the present structure is far too magnificent for that age. Most of the walls are built with red granite from the Nuns isle in the sound.97

From the south east corner are two parallel walls about twelve feet high, and ten feet distant from each other. At present they are called Dorus tràgh,98 or the door to the shore: are supposed to have been continued from the cathedral to the sea, to have been roofed, and to have formed a covered gallery the whole way.

In the church yard is a fine cross, fourteen feet high, two feet two inches broad, and ten inches thick, made of a single piece of red granite. The pedestal is three feet high.

Near the south east end is Mary's chapel.99 Besides this, we are informed, that there were several others founded by the Scottish monarchs, and the Reguli of the isles.xv

The monastery lies behind the cathedral. It is in a most ruinous state; a small remnant of a cloister is left.100 In a corner are

Monastery.

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some black stones,101 held so sacred, but for what reason I am ignorant, that it was customary to swear by them: perhaps from their being neighbors to the tutelar saint,102 whose grave is almost adjacent.

Boethius xvi gives this monastery an earlier antiquity than perhaps it can justly clame. He says that after the defeat of the Scots, at the battle of Munda, A. D. 379: the survivors with all religious fled to this island; and were the original founders of this house.103 But the account given by the venerable Bede is much more probable, that St. Columba was the orignal founder, as has been before related.104

This isle, says the DEAN, hes beine richlie Dotat by the Scotch kings. And mentions several little islands that belonged to it which he calls Soa, Naban, Moroan, Reringe, Inch Kenzie, Eorsay, and Kannay, but if these were all the endowments, they would never serve to lead the religious into the temptations of luxury.105

Revenue.

Columba was the first abbot: he and his successors maintained a jurisdiction over all the other monasteries that branched from this; and over all the monks of this abby that exercised the priestly or even episcopal function in other places. One of the institutes of Loyala seems here to have been very early established, for the eleves of this house seem not to think themselves freed from their vow of obedience to the abbot of Jona. Bede xvii speaks of the singular pre-eminence, and says that the island always had for a governor an Abbot-Presbyter, whose power (by a very uncommon rule) not only every province, but even the bishops themselves, obeyed. From this account, the enemies to episcopacy have inferred, that the rank of bishop was a novelty, in-


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troduced into the church in corrupt times; and the authority they assumed was an errant usurpation, since a simple abbot for so considerable a space was permitted to have the superiority.107 In answer to this, archbishop Ussher xviii advances, that the power of the abbot of Jona was only local; and extended only to the bishop who resided there: for after the conquest of the isle of Man by the English, and the division of the see after that event, the bishop of the isles made Jona his residence, which before was in Man.108 But notwithstanding this, the venerable Bede seems to be a stronger authority, than the Ulster annals, quoted by the archbishop, which pretend no more than that a bishop had always resided in Jona, without even an attempt to refute the positive assertion of the most respectable author we have (relating to church matters) in those primitive times.109

North of the monastery is the remains of the bishop's house;110 the residence of the bishops of the isles after the isle of Man was separated from them. This event happened in the time of Edw. I. On their arrival the abbots permitted to them the use of their church, for they never had a cathedral of their own, except that in the isle of Man.111 During the time of the Norwegian reign, which lasted near two hundred years, the bishops were chosen without respect of country, for we find French, Norwegian, English, and Scotch among the prelates; and they were generally, but not always, consecrated at Drontheim.112 This see was endowed with xix thirteen islands;113 but some of them were forced from them by the tyranny of some of the little chieftains; thus for example, Rasa, as the honest DEAN says, was perteining to Mac-Gyllychallan by the sword, and to the bishop of the isles by heritage.114

Bishop's house

The title of these prelates, during the conjunction of Man and Sodor, had been universally mistaken, till the explications of that


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most ingenious writer, Dr. Macpherson xx: it was always supposed to have been derived from Soder, an imaginary town, either in Man or in Jona: whose derivation was taken from the Greek SOTER or Saviour.115 During the time that the Norwegians were in possession of the isles, they divided them into two parts: the northern, which comprehended all that lay to the North of the point of Arnamurchan, and were called the Nordereys, from Norder North, and ey an island. And the Sudereys took in those that lay to the South of that promontory. This was only a civil division for the sake of governing these scattered dominions with more facility; for a separate viceroy was sent to each, but both were subject to the same jurisdiction civil and ecclesiastical. But as the Sudereys was the most important that had the honor of giving name to the bishoprick, the isle of Man retained both titles, like England unites that of France, notwithstanding many centuries have elapsed since the right of each to the now usurped titles are lost.116

Proceed on our walk. To the west of the convent is the abbot's mount,117 overlooking the whole. Beneath seem to have been the gardens, once well cultivated, for we are told that the monks transplanted from other places herbs both esculent and medicinal.

Beyond the mount are the ruins of a kiln, and a granary: and near it was the mill. The lake or pool118 that served it lay behind; is now drained, and is the turbery,119 the fuel of the natives: it appears to have been once divided, for along the middle runs a raised way, pointing to the hills. They neglect at present the conveniency of a mill, and use only querns.120

North from the granary extends a narrow slat, with a double dike and foss on one side, and a single dike on the other. At the end is a square containing a cairn and surrounded with a stone dike. This


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is called a burial place: it must have been in very early times, contemporary with other cairns, perhaps in the days of Druidism. For bishop Pocock mentions, that he had seen two stones seven feet high, with a third laid across on their tops, an evident Cromleh: he also adds, that the Irish name of the island was Inish Drunish;121 which agrees with the account I have somewhere read, that Jona had been the seat of Druids expelled by Columba, who found them there.

Before I quit this height, I must observe, that the whole of their religious buildings were covered on the north side by dikes, as a protection from the northern invaders, who paid little regard the sanctity of their characters.122

The public was greatly interested in the preservation of this place, for it was the repository of most of the antient Scotch recordsxxi. The library here must also have been invaluable, if we can depend upon Boethius, who asserts, that Fergus the II. assisting Alaric the Goth, in the sacking of Rome, brought away as share of the plunder, a chest of books, which he presented to the monastery of Jona.123 Aeneas Sylvius (afterwards Pope Pius II.) 124 intended when he was in Scotland to have visited the library in search of the lost books of Livy,125 but was prevented by the death of the King James I. A small parcel of them were in 1525 brought to Aberdeen xxii, and great pains were taken to unfold them, but through age and the tenderness of the parchment little could be read; but from what the learned were able to make out, the work appeared by the style to have rather been a fragment of Salust than of Livy. But the register and records, of the island, all written on parchment, and probably other more antique and valuable remains, were all destroyed by that worst


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than Gothic synod xxiii, who at the reformation declared war against all science.127

At present, this once celebrated seat of learning is destitute of even a school-master; and this seminary of holy men wants even a minister to assist them in the common duties of religion.128

Cross the island over a most fertile elevated tract to the S. West side, to visit the landing place of St. Columba; a small bay, with a pebbly beach, mixed with variety of pretty stones, such as violet-colored Quartz, Nephritic stones,129 and fragments of porphyry granite130 and Zæblitz marble:131 a vast tract near this place was covered with heaps of stones, of unequal sizes: these, as is said were the penances of monks who were to raise heaps of dimensions equal to their crimes: and to judge by some, it is no breach of charity to think there were among them enormous sinners.132

JULY 10.

On one side is shewn an oblong heap of earth, the supposed size of the vessel that transported St. Columba and his twelve disciples from Ireland to this island.

On my return saw, on the right hand, on a small hill, a small circle of stones, and a little cairn in the middle, evidently druidical, but called the hill of the angels, Cnoc-nar-aimgeal;133 from a tradition that the holy man had there a conference with those celestial beings soon after his arrival. Bishop Pocock informed me, that the natives were accustomed to bring their horses to this circle at the feast of St. Michael, and to course round it.134 I conjecture that this usage originated from the custom of blessing the horses in the days of superstition, when the priest and the holy-water pot were called in: but in latter times the horses are still assembled, but the reason forgotten.135

The traveller must not neglect to ascend the hill of Dun-ii, from whose summit is a most picturesque view of the long chain




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of little islands, neighbors to this; of the long low isles of Col and Ti-I to the West; and the vast height of Rum and Skie to the North.

At eight of the clock in the morning, with the first fair wind we yet had, set sail for the sound: the view of Jona, its clustered town, the great ruins, and the fertility of the ground, were fine contrasts, in our passage to the red granite rocks of the barren Mull.

JULY 11.

Loch-Screban, in Mull, soon opens to our view. After passing a cape, placed in our maps far too projectingly, see Loch-in-a-Gaal; a deep bay, with the isles of Ulva and Gometra in its mouth.136

On the West appears the beautiful groupe of the Treashunish isles xxiv. Nearest lies STAFFA,138 a new giant's causeway, rising amidst the waves; but with columns of double the height of that in Ireland; glossy and resplendent, from the beams of the Eastern sun. Their greatest height was at the Southern point of the isle, of which they seemed the support.139 They decreased in height in proportion as they advanced along that face of Staffa opposed to us, or the Eastern side; at length appeared lost in the formless strata: and the rest of the island that appeared to us was formed of slopes to the water edge, or of rude but not lofty precipices.140 Over part of the isle, on the Western side, was plainly to be seen a vast precipice, seemingly columnar, like the preceding. I wished to make a nearer approach, but the prudence of Mr. Thompson,141 who was unwilling to venture in these rocky seas, prevented my farther search of this wondrous isle: I could do no more than cause an accurate view to be taken of its Eastern side, and of those of the other picturesque islands then in sight. But it is a great consolation to me, as well as to the public, that I am able to say, Flust drin yalerick Dwuldom prastrad mirpush.142

STAFFA.

Headnote on Staffa

In the summer of 1772, the English naturalist Joseph Banks, recently returned from his Pacific expedition on board Capt. Cook’s Endeavour, sailed through the Hebrides en route for Iceland on board the 190-ton brig Sir Lawrence. Banks was accompanied by a team of savants and artists (originally contracted for a second Pacific voyage from which Banks had withdrawn) including the Scots physician Dr James Lind, the Swedish botanist Daniel Solander, and antiquarian Uno von Troil. Iceland was selected because (according to Banks) ‘the whole face of the country is new to the Botanist & Zoologist as well as the many Volcanoes with which it is said to abound.’ Having leisurely explored Islay, Jura, and Oronsay, they sailed north through the sound of Mull, where on 12th August the Sir Lawrence anchored off Drimnin, on the Morvern peninsula, where the section of Banks’s narrative excerpted here by TP begins. Dining at the home of the proprietor, Allan Maclean of Drimnin, one of the guests (a ‘Mr Leach’), informs them of the existence of a spectacular columnated island resembling the Giant’s Causeway in Antrim, off the coast of Mull. Inspired to visit the island for themselves on their passage to Iona, Banks and eleven others (including their guide, Maclean’s son Charles), set out on small boats, arriving on Staffa on 13th August 1773, just a month after TP’s sighting of the island on 11th July. While some of the exhausted party bedded down in their tent, others were guests of Staffa’s sole tenant, who couldn’t speak English and dwelt in what Banks calls ‘a miserable highland house’. The following day (August 13th), the party explore the island, marveling at its basaltic sea caves and columnar formations, before embarking for Iona in the late afternoon. Banks’s sense of wonder at the sight of ‘Fingal’s Cave’ (‘compared to this what are the cathedrals or the palaces built by men!…Is not this the school where the art [of architecture] was first studied?’) was reinforced by the revelation of its Gaelic name, ‘the cave of Fhinn’, which led him straight back to Macpherson’s Ossian: ‘How fortunate that in this cave we should meet with the remembrance of that chief, whose existence, as well as that of the whole Epic poem is almost doubted in England’ (p. 262). ‘Fingal’s Cave’ would subsequently become the most celebrated site of Ossianic topography on the Highland Tour. But Banks’s narrative quickly shifts register from the aesthetics of the sublime and beautiful to a more sober and ‘philosophical’ account of Staffa, which included detailed measurements of the dimensions of the caves and distinctive columnar pillars: although, like TP, Banks is cautious about ascribing Staffa’s formation to volcanic agency. Banks’s celebrated account, which became one of the main selling points of TP’s Voyage to the Hebrides, is supplemented by a series of spectacular engravings based on drawings by his team of artists, John F. Miller, James Miller, and John Cleveley, most famously the iconic Plate XXVIII, ‘Fingal’s Cave in Staffa’, engraved by Mazell from a drawing by James Miller. The celebrity of Banks’s account of Staffa, as published here by TP, was such that Dr Lind even suggested that he purchase the island: ‘the annual rent is £10, and it is supposed £200 will buy it’.

Banks’s account of his Icelandic expedition survives in two MSS, the first of which is the basis for TPs text here, as the second, sketchier, and shorter narrative deals with Iceland, the Orkneys, and the return to England. TP adheres fairly closely to Banks’s text, although he changes punctuation and capitalisation, and occasionally words and phrases (and in one case a key measurement) as well as omitting the odd paragraph which he considered inessential to the description of Staffa. The present edition is the first to collate Banks’s MS journal with TP’s printed text. For various reasons Banks never published his Hebridean/Icelandic journal, but he permitted TP to print his ‘Account of Staffa’ in Tour Pt 1: sections were also published by his travelling companion Uno von Troil in his Bref rörande en resa til Island MDCCLXXII (Letters on Iceland) (1777). The reasons for Bank’s reticence are clarified in a 12 Jan 1773 letter to Thomas Falconer, with reference to TP’s voyage to the Hebrides: ‘as I had lookd upon myself while among these Islands as treading upon ground which by prior right he had taken possession of I should communicate to him every observation I could possibly make whenever he thought fit to publish any account of them’. After Banks had made good this resolution, TP expressed his gratitude to him in the fulsome dedication to the present volume. Nevertheless, in 1783 Banks refused TP permission to publish some of the drawings of Iceland: ‘I trust that you will excuse me for refusing my consent…as I must consider such a measure a material injury to the journal of my Icelandic voyage…if leisure allows me hereafter to print it’. TP’s publication of Banks’s account of Staffa was not however the first to appear in print, as brief articles describing his ‘discovery’ of the island were published in the Scots Magazine xxxiv, (1772), p. 637, and (effectively a reprint) the Gentleman’s Magazine xlii (1772), dated Thurs 19 Nov 1772. Uno Von Troil also published a description in the Swedish newspapers. For the geological significance of Staffa and the Scottish Tour, see Tom Furniss, Discovering the Footsteps of Time: Geological Travel Writing about Scotland, 1700-1820 (Edinburgh University Press, 2018), especially chapters 4 and 5.


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Account of STAFFA, communicated. BY JOSEPH BANKS, Esq.

"In the sound of Mull we came to anchor, on the Morvern side, AUGUST 12 opposite to a gentleman's house, called Drumnen: the owner of it Mr. Macleane, having found out who we were, very cordially asked us ashore: we accepted his invitation, and arrived at his house; where we met an English gentleman, Mr. Leach xxv,143 who no sooner saw us than he told us, that about nine leagues from us was an island where he believed no one even in the highlands had been xxvi on which were pillars like those of the Giant's-Causeway. This was a great object to me who had wish'd to have seen the causeway itself, would time have allowed: I therefore resolved to proceed directly, especially as it was just in the way to the Columb-kill;145 accordingly having put up two days provisions, and my little tent, we put off in the boat about one o'clock for our intended voyage, having ordered the ship to wait for us in Tobirmore,146 a very fine harbour on the Mull side.

AUGUST 12.

"At nine o'clock, after a tedious passage, having had not a breath of wind, we arrived, under the direction of Mr. Mc.Leane's son, and Mr. Leach.147 It was too dark to see any thing, so we carried our tent and baggage near the only house upon the island 148 and began to cook our suppers, in order to be prepared for the earliest dawn, to enjoy that which from the conversation of the gentlemen we had now raised the highest expectations of.149



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"The impatience which every body felt to see the wonders we had heard so largely described, prevented our morning's rest; every one was up and in motion before the break of day, and with the first light arrived at the S. W. part of the island, the seat of the most remarkable pillars; where we no sooner arrived than we were struck with a scene of magnificence which exceeded our expectations, though formed, as we thought, upon the most sanguine foundations: the whole of that end of the island supported by ranges of natural pillars, mostly above 50 feet highstanding in natural colonnades, according as the bays or points of land formed themselves: upon a firm basis of solid unformed rock, above these, the stratum which reaches to the soil or surface of the island, varied in thickness, as the island itself formed into hills or vallies; each hill, which hung over the columns below, forming an ample pediment; some of these above 60 feet in thickness, from the base to the point, formed by the sloping of the hill on each side, almost into the shape of those used in architcture.150

Compared to this what are the cathedrals or the palaces built by men! mere models or playthings, imitations as diminutive as his works will always be when compared to those of nature. Where is now the boast of the architect! regularity the only part in which he fancied himself to exceed his mistress, Nature, is here found in her possession, and here it has been for ages undescribed xxvii. Is not this the school where the art was originally studied, and what had been added to this by the whole Grecian school? a ca-



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pital to ornament the column of nature, of which they could execute only a model; and for that very capital they were obliged to a bush of Acanthus:152 how amply does nature repay those who study her wonderful works!153

"With our minds full of such reflections we proceeded along the shore, treading upon another Giant's Causeway, every stone being regularly formed into a certain number of sides and angles, ’till in a short time we arrived at the mouth of a cave,154 the most magnificent, I suppose, that has ever been described by travellers.

"The mind can hardly form an idea more magnificent than such a space, supported on each side by ranges of columns; and roofed by the bottoms of those, which have been broke off in order to form it; between the angles of which a yellow stalagmitic matter has exuded, which serves to define the angles precisely; and and at the same time vary the color with a great deal of elegance, and to render it still more agreeable, the whole is lighted from without; so that the farthest extremity is very plainly seen from without, and the air within being agitated by the flux and reflux of the tides, is perfectly dry and wholesome, free entirely from the damp vapours with which natural caverns in general abound.

Cave of FINGAL.

"We asked the name of it, said our guide, the cave of Fiuhn; what is Fiuhn? said we, Fuhn Mac Coul, whom the translator of Ossian's works has called Fingal;155 how fortunate that in this cave we should meet with the remembrance of that chief, whose existence, as well as that of the whole Epic poem is almost doubted in England.

"Enough for the beauties of Staffa, I shall now proceed to describe it and its productions more philosophically:

The little island of Staffa lies on the west coast of Mull about three leagues N. E. from Jona, or the Columb Klll: its



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greatest length is about an English mile, and its breadth about half a one. On the west side of the island is a small bay, where boats generally land:156 a little to the southward of which the first appearance of pillars are to be observed; they are small, and instead of being placed upright, lie down on their sides, each forming a segment of a circle:157 from thence you pass a small cave,158 above which, the pillars now grown a little larger, are inclining in all directions: in one place in particular a small mass of them very much resemble the ribs of a shipxxviii: from hence having passed the cave, which if it is not low water, you must do in a boat, you come to the first ranges of pillars, which are still not above half as large as those a little beyond. Over against this place is a small island, called in Erse, Boo-sha-la,161 separated from the main, by a channel not many fathoms wide;162 this whole island is composed of pillars without any stratum above them; they are still small, but by much the neatest formed of any about the place.

Isle of Boo-sha-la.

"The first division of the island, for at high water it is divided into two,163 makes a kind of a cone, the pillars converging together towards the centre: on the other, they are in general laid down flat, and in the front next to the main, you see how beautifully they are packed together; their ends coming out square with the bank which they form: all these have their transverse sections exact, and their surfaces smooth,164 which is by no means the case with the large ones, which are cracked in all directions. I much question however, if any one of this whole island of Boo-sha-la,165 is two feet in diameter.



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"The main island opposite to Boo-sha-la and farther toward the N. W. is supported by ranges of pillars pretty erect, and tho' not tall, (as they are not uncovered to the base) of large diameters;166 and at their feet is an irregular pavement,167 made by the upper sides of such as have been broken off, which extends as far under water as the eye can reach. Here the forms of the pillars are apparent; these are of three, four, five, six and seven sides; but the numbers of five and six are by much the most prevalent. The largest I measured was of seven; it was four feet five inches in diameter. I shall give the measurement of its sides, and those of some other forms which I met with:

No. 1. 4 sides diam. 1 ft. 5 in.
Ft. In.
Side 1 1 5
2 1 1
3 1 6
4 1 1
No. 2. 5 sides diam. 2 ft. 10 in.
1 1 10
2 1 10
3 1 5
4 1 7 1/2
5 1 8
No. 3. 6 sides diam. 3 ft. 6 in.
1 0 10
2 2 2
3 2 2
4 1 11
5 2 2
6 2 9
No. 4. 7 sides diam. 4 ft. 5 in.
1 2 10
2 2 4
3 1 10
4 2 0
5 1 1
6 1 6
7 1 3

"The surfaces of these large pillars in general are rough and uneven, full of cracks in all directions; the transverse figures168 in the upright ones169 never fail to run in their true directions: the



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surfaces upon which we walked were often flat, having neither concavity nor convexity: the larger number however were concave, tho' some were very evidently convex; in some places the interstices within the perpendicular figures were filled up with a yellow spar:170 in one place a vein passed in among the mass of pillars, carrying here and there small threads of spar. Tho' they were broken and cracked through and through in all directions, yet their perpendicular figures171 might easily be traced: from whence it is easy to infer, that whatever the accident might have been, that caused the dislocation, it happened after the formation of the pillars.

"From hence proceeding along shore, you arrive at Fingal's cave: its dimensions tho' I have172 given, I shall here again repeat in the form of a table:

Length173 of the cave from the rock without, 371 6
From the pitch of the arch, 250 0
Breadth of ditto, at the mouth, 53 7
At the farther end, 20 0
Height of the arch at the mouth, 117174 6
At the end, 70 0
Height of an outside pillar 39 6
Of one at the N. W. corner, 54 0
Depth of water at the mouth, 18 0
At the bottom, 9 0175

The cave runs into the rock in the direction of N. E. by E. by the compass.

"Proceeding farther to the N. W. you meet with the highest ranges of pillars, the magnificent appearance of which, is past all description: here they are bare to their very basis, and the stratum below them is, also visible: in a short time it rises many


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feet above the water, and gives an opportunity of examining its quality. Its surface rough, and has often large lumps of stone sticking in it, as if half immersed; itself, when broken is composed of a thousand heterogenious parts, which together have very much the appearance of a Lava;176 and the more so as many of the lumps appear to be of the very same stone of which the pillars are formed: this whole stratum lies in an inclined position dipping gradually towards the S. E. As hereabouts is the situation of the highest pillars, I shall mention my measurements of them and the different strata in this place,177 premising that the measurements were made with a line, held in the hand of a person who stood at the top of the cliff, and reaching to the bottom to the lower end of which was tied a white mark, which was observed by one who staid below for the purpose: when this mark was set off from the water, the person below noted it down, and made signal to him above, who made then a mark in his rope: whenever this mark passed a notable place the same signal was made, and the name of the place noted down as before; the line being all hauled up, and the distances between the marks178 measured and noted down, gave, when compared with the book kept below, the distances, as for instance in the cave:

"No. 1.179 in the book below, was called from the water to the foot of the first Pillar180 in the book above; No. 1. gave 36 feet 8 inches, the highest181 of that ascent, which was composed of broken pillars.

No. 1. Pillar at the west corner of Fingal's cave.

Ft. In.
1 From the water to the foot of the pillar, 12 10
2 Height of the pillar, 37 3
3 Stratum above the pillar, 66 9


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No. 2. Fingal's cave.

1 From the water to the foot of the pillar, 36 8
2 Height of the pillar, 39 6
3 From the top of the pillar to the top of the arch, 31 4
4 Thickness of the stratum above 34 4
By adding together the three first measurements, we got the height of the arch from the water, 117182 6

No 3. Corner pillar to the westward of Fingal's cave.

Stratum below the pillar of Lava like matter, 11 0
Length of pillar, 54 0
Stratum above the pillar, 61 6

No. 4. Another pillar to the Westward.

Stratum below the pillar, 17 1
Height of the pillar, 50 0
Stratum above, 51 1

No. 5. Another pillar farther to the Westward.

Stratum below the pillar, 19 8
Height of the pillar, 55 1
Stratum above, 54 7

"The stratum above the pillars, which is here mentioned, is uniformly the same, consisting of numberless small pillars, bending and inclining in all directions, sometimes so irregularly that the stones can only be said to have an inclination to assume a columnar form;183 in others more regular, but never breaking into, or disturbing the stratum of large pillars, whose tops every where keep an uniform and regular line.


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"Proceeding now along shore round the North184 end of the island, you arrive at Oua na scarve, or the Corvorant's-Cave:185 here the stratum under the pillars is lifted up very high; the pillars above it are considerably less than those at the N. W.186 end of the island, but still very considerable. Beyond is a bay, which cuts deep into the island, rendering it in that place not more than a quarter of a mile over.187 On the sides of this bay, especially beyond a little valley, which almost cuts the island into two, are two stages of pillars, but small; however having a stratum between them exactly the same as that above them, formed of innumerable little pillars, shaken out of their places and leaning in all directions.

Corvorant's Cave.

"Having passed this bay, the pillars totally cease; the rock is of a dark-brown stone, and no signs of regularity occur till you have passed round the S. E. end of the island (a space almost as large as that occupied by the pillars) which you meet again on the West side, beginning to form themselves irregularly, as if the stratum had an inclination to that form, and soon arrive at the bending pillars where I began.

"The stone of which the pillars are formed, is a coarse kind of Basaltes, very much resembling the Giant’s Causeway in Ireland, though none of them are near so neat as the specimens of the latter, which I have seen at the British Museum; owing chiefly to the color, which in our's is a dirty brown, in the Irish a fine black;188 indeed the whole production seems very much to resemble the Giant's Causeway;189 with which I should willingly compare it had I any account of the former before mexxix."191


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Headnote on Canna and Rum

Following Banks’s account of Staffa, TP’s narrative resumes on 11th July, describing the scenic voyage through the inner Hebrides with Tiree and Coll to the west (the occasion for a rare dig at Dr Johnson, cut from the 2nd edition, p. 270), up the west coast of Mull and past Ardnamurchan Point, then coasting Eigg and Rum ‘through a most turbulent sea’. On the evening of 11th, the Lady Frederick Campbell anchors in ‘the snug harbour of the isle of Cannay’ (Canna), the most westerly of the Small Isles archipelago. The verdant slopes of Canna, covered with grazing cattle, give an illusion of plenty which is shattered by closer inspection, as the island (like Islay) turns out to have been in the grip of one of its ‘temporary famines’ after the previous year’s crop failure, reasons for which are discussed here. TP reproaches himself for bringing ribbons and baubles to distribute among the islanders (reminiscent of Banks in Tahiti!), rather than fish-hooks which would have been useful in alleviating their hunger. But despite an abundance of cod and ling in the surrounding waters, fishing is beyond the means of the islanders, the occasion for a digression on the financial obstructions to developing a viable local fishing industry. Canna is the only predominately Catholic island visited by TP in the Hebrides, part of the estates of the bankrupt Macdonalds of Clanranald, whose rackrenting tacksmen are criticized for exacerbating the already dire predicament of the islanders. Despite TP’s Protestant prejudices, he admires the ecumenical spirit of the Catholic islanders, who attend services given by both priest and minister during their visitations (neither are resident on Canna): but, as on Rum, the absence of a church building necessitates open-air services, and the island lacks a school. In his classic study of Canna, John Lorne Campbell describes TP’s account as ‘the classical early scientific account’ of the island, and excerpts the whole section.1 Sleeping on shipboard, TP’s party land on July 12th in terrible weather to explore the island, but the following day they set sail again for the larger neighbouring island of Rum.

Owned by the absentee (but apparently well-liked) Maclean of Coll, Rum contains a population of 325, substantially larger than Canna, and all Protestant. Given the island’s subsequent history of population clearance, TP’s account of the social life and agriculture (still largely unimproved runrig, the sparse arable land divided into ‘pennylands’) of Rum is of great value. John Lorne Campbell describes it as ‘the fullest account of Rum, before the 19th century evictions, that we possess’. (A Very Civil People, p. 139). Here as elsewhere the visitors are treated ‘with address and politeness’ by the village head man of Kinloch, and TP stresses the ‘Homeric’ hospitality of the poorest Hebrideans: a generosity all the more impressive, considering that although they ‘are a well made and well-looking race [they] carry famine in their aspect’ (p. 277). TP gives a critical account of ‘primitive’ Hebridean methods of ‘gradanning’ corn and grinding in the brà or hand-quern, practices being actively prohibited in many other parts of northern Scotland. As in Islay and Jura, he is attentive to the supernatural beliefs of the islanders, especially their belief in second sight and scapulimancy (for example, Molly Maclean ‘has the power of foreseeing events through a well-scraped blade bone of mutton’, p. 282). Physically, Rum is described as ‘one great mountain, divided into several points, the highest called Aisgobhall (Askival)’, with obvious attractions to TP as naturalist. Given that today there are over 1000 red deer on Rum (subjects of scientific study since 1972), it is interesting that the deer population numbered no more than 80 in 1772, greatly reduced (TP claims improbably) as a result of being harassed by eagles. On July 14th the party make an expedition to Coire nan Grunnd under the peaks Hallival and Askival, in Rum’s mountainous SE corner. Despite torrential rain, numerous bird species are observed, although TP missed Rum’s main ornithological attraction, one of the world’s largest nesting colonies of Manx Shearwaters, nesting in burrows above 450m on the upper slopes of the highest hills. But it was probably too late in the season.


Introduction notes
1. John Lorne Campbell, Canna: The Story of an Island (1984: 3rd ed. Edinburgh: Canongate, 1994), pp. 109-114.

Proceed with a fine breeze; see, beyond STAFFA, Baca-beg,192 and the Dutchman's-cap, formed like a Phrygian bonnet:193 next succeeds Lunga 194 varying into grotesque shapes as we recede from it: the low flats of Flada next shew themselves: and lastly, the isles of Cairn-berg more and beg; the first noted for its antient fortress, the out-guard to the Sudereys, or Southern Hebrides.196

Cairn-berg.

In the year 1249, Jon Dungadi,197 appointed, by Acho of Norway, king of the Northern Hebrides, was entrusted with the defence of this castle; and, in return for that confidence, declined to surrender it to Alexander III. of Scotland, who meditated the conquest of these islands. It was in those days called Kiarnaburgh, or Biarnaburgh 198.xxx The Macleans possessed it in 1715, and during the rebellion of that year, was taken and retaken by each party.

In our course observe at a distance, Tirey, or Tir-I, famous for its great plain, and the breed of little horses. To the North, separated from Tirey by a small sound, is the isle of Col, still more celebrated for being the place where Doctor Samuel Johnson had long and woeful experience of oats being the food of men in Scotland, as they are of horses in England.199

Pass the point Ruth-an-i sleith,200 in Mull, when Egg high and rounded, Muck small, and the exalted tops of the mountanous Rum, and lofty Skie, appear in view. Leave, on the East, Calgarai bay, in Mull, with a few houses, and some signs of cultivation; the first marks of population that had shewn themselves in this vast island.201

The entrance of the sound of Mull now opens, bounded to the North by cape Ardnamurchan, or, the height of the boisterous


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sea; and beyond, inland, soar the vast summits of Benevish, Morvern, and Crouachan.

Towards afternoon the sky grows black, and the wind freshens into a gale, attended with rain, discouraging us from a chace of seals, which we proposed, on the rock Heiskyr, a little to the West, where they swarm. To the West of Cannay have a sight of the rock Humbla, formed of Basaltic columns.xxxi

Leave, three leagues to the West, the cairns of Col, a dangerous chain of rocks, extending from its Northern extremity.

Sail under the vast mountains of Rum, and the point of Bredon, through a most turbulent sea, caused by the clashing of two adverse tides. See several small whales, called here Pòllacks,202 that when near land are often chaced on shore by boats: they are usually about ten feet long, and yield four gallons of oil. At seven o'clock in the evening find ourselves at anchor in four fathom water, in the snug harbour of the isle of

Formed on the N. side by Cannay, on the South by the little isle of Sanda: the mouth lies opposite to Rum, and about three miles distant: the Western channel into it is impervious, by reason of rocks. On that side of the entrance next to Sanda is a rock to be shunned by mariners.

As soon as we had time to cast our eyes about, each shore appeared pleasing to humanity; verdant, and covered with hundreds of cattle:203 both sides gave a full idea of plenty, for the verdure was mixed with very little rock, and scarcely any heath but a short conversation with the natives soon dispelled this agreeable error: they were at this very time in such want, that num-


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bers, for a long time had neither bread nor meal for their poor babes:204 fish and milk was their whole subsistence at this time: the first was a precarious relief, for, besides the uncertainty of success, to add to their distress, their stock of fish-hooks was almost exhausted; and to ours, that it was not in our power to supply them. The rubbans, and other trifles I had brought, would have been insults to people in distress.205 I lamented that my money had been so uselessly laid out; for a few dozens of fish-hooks, or a few pecks of meal, would have made them happy.206

The crops had failed here the last year:207 but the little corn sown at present had a promising aspect: and the potatoes the best I had seen: but these were not fit for use. The isles I fear annually experience a temporary famine: perhaps from improvidence, perhaps from eagerness to encrease their stock of cattle, which they can easily dispose of to satisfy the demands of their landlords, or the oppressions of an agent. The people of Cannay export none, but sell them to the numerous busses who put into this Portus Salutis 208 on different occasions.

Crops.

The cattle are of a middle size, black, long legged, and have thin staring manes from the neck along the back, and up part of the tail. They look well, for in several parts of the island they have good warm recesses to retreat to in winter. About sixty head are exported annually.

Cattle.

Each couple of milch cows yielded at an average seven stones of butter and cheese: two thirds of the first and one of the last. The cheese sold at three and sixpence a stone; the butter at eight shillings.

Here are very few sheep:209 but horses in abundance. The chief use of them in this little district is to form an annual cavalcade at Michaelmas.210 Every man on the island mounts his horse unfur-

Horses.

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nished with saddle, and takes behind him either some young girl, or his neighbor's wife, and then rides backwards and forwards from the village to a certain cross, without being able to give any reason for the origin of this custom. After the procession is over, they alight at some public house, where, strange to say, the females treat the companions of their ride. When they retire to their houses an entertainment is prepared with primaeval simplicity: the chief part consists of a great oat-cake, called Struan-Micheil, or St. Michael's cake, composed of two pecks of meal, and formed like the quadrant of a circle: it is daubed over with milk and eggs, and then placed to harden before the fire.

Singular custom.

Matrimony is held in such esteem here, that an old maid or old batchelor is scarcely known; such firm belief have they in the doctrine of the ape-leading disgrace in the world below. So, to avoid that danger the youth marry at twenty; the lasses at seventeen.211 The fair sex are used here with more tenderness than common, being employed only in domestic affairs, and never forced into the labors of the field. Here are plenty of poultry and of eggs.

Abundance of cod and ling might be taken; there being a fine sand-bank between this isle and the rock Heisker, and another between Skie and Barra; but the poverty of the inhabitants will not enable them to attempt a fishery.212 When at Campbeltown I enquired about the apparatus requisite, and found that a vessel of twenty tuns was necessary, which would cost two hundred pounds; that the crew should be composed of eight hands, whose monthly expences would be fourteen pounds; that six hundred fathom of long-line, five hundred hooks, and two Stuoy lines (each eighty fathoms long) which are placed at each end of the long-lines, with buoys at top to mark the place when sunk, would altogether cost five guineas; and the vessel must be provided with four sets: so

Fishery.

[274]

that the whole charge of such an adventure is very considerable, and past the ability of these poor peoplexxxii.

The length of the island is about three miles; the breadth near one: its surface hilly. This was the property of the bishop of the isles, but at present that of Mr. Macdonald of Clan-Ronald.214 His factor,215 a resident agent, rents most of the island, paying two guineas for each penny-land;216 and these he sets to the poor people at four guineas and a half each; and exacts, besides this, three days labor in the quarter from each person. Another head tenant possesses other penny-lands, which he sets in the same manner, to the impoverishing and very starving of the wretched inhabitants.217

Rents.

The penny-lands 218 derive their name from some old valuation. The sum requisite to stock one is thirty pounds: it maintains seven cows and two horses; and the tenant can raise on it eight bolls of small black oats, the produce of two; and four of bear from half a boll of seed; one boll of potatoes yields seven. The two last are manured with sea tang.

The arable land in every farm is divided into four parts, and lots are cast for them at Christmas: the produce, when reaped and dried, is divided among them in proportion to their rents; and for want of mills is ground in the quern. All the pasture is common, from May to the beginning of September.219

It is said that the factor has in a manner banished sheep, because there is no good market for them; so that he does his best to deprive the inhabitants of cloathing as well as food.220 At present they supply themselves with wool from Rum, at the rate of eightpence the pound.

All the cloathing is manufactured at home: the women not only spin the wool, but weave the cloth: the men make their own shoes, tan the leather with the bark of willow, or the roots of

Manufactures

[275]

the tormentilla erecta, or tormentil, and in defect of wax-thread, use split thongs.221

About twenty tuns of kelp are made in the shores every third year.222

Sickness seldom visits this place: if any disorder seizes them the patient does no more than drink whey, and lie still. The small-pox visits them about once in twenty years.

All disputes are settled by the factor, or, if of great moment, by the justices of the peace in Skie.

This island, Rum, Muck, and Egg, form one parish.223 Cannay, is inhabited by two hundred and twenty souls; of which all, except four families, are Roman Catholics;224 but in the whole parish there is neither church, manse nor school: there is indeed in this island a catechist, who has nine pounds a year from the royal bounty. The minister225 and the popish priest226 reside in Egg; but, by reason of the turbulent seas that divide these isles, are very seldom able to attend their flocks. I admire the moderation of their congregations, who attend the preaching of either indifferently as they happen to arrive. As the Scotch are oeconomists in religion, I would recommend to them the practice of one of the little Swiss mixed cantons, who, through mere frugality, kept but one divine; a moderate honest fellow, who, steering clear of controversial points, held forth to the Calvinist flock on one part of the day, and to his Catholic on the other. He lived long among them much respected, and died lamented.227

Religion.

The protestant natives of many of the isles observe Yule and Pasch, or Christmas and Easter; which among rigid presbyterians is esteemed so horrid a superstition, that I have heard of a minister who underwent a censure for having a goose to dinner on Christmas day; as if any one day was more holy than another or to be distinguished by any external marks of festivity.



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In popish times here was probably a resident minister; for here are to be seen the ruins of a chapel, and a small cross.228

Much rain and very hard gales the whole night; the weather being, as it is called in these parts, broken.

Bad weather still continues, which prevented us from seeing so much of this island as we intended, and also of visiting the rock Humbla. Go on shore at the nearest part, and visit a lofty slender rock, that juts into the sea:229 on one side is a little tower, at a vast height above us, accessible by a narrow and horrible path: it seems so small as scarce to be able to contain half a dozen people. Tradition says, that it was built by some jealous regulus, to confine a handsome wife in.

JULY 12.

To the North-West above this prison, is the Compass-hlll, in Erse called Sgur-dhearg, or the red projecting rock. On the top the needle in the mariners compass was observed to vary a whole quarter; the North point standing due West: an irregularity probably owing to the nature of the rock, highly impregnated with iron.

Compass-hill.

In the afternoon some coal was brought, found in the rocks Dun-eudain, but in such small veins as to be useless. It lies in beds of only six inches in thickness, and about a foot distant from each other, divided by strata of whin-stone. Fuel is very scarce here, and often the inhabitants are obliged to fetch it from Rum.

Coal.

A continuation of bad weather. At half an hour after one at noon, loose from Cannay, and after passing with a favorable gale through a rolling sea, in about two hours, anchor in the

JULY 13.

in an open bay, about two miles deep, called Loch-Sgriosard, bounded by high mountains, black and barren: at the bottom


[277]

of the bay is the little village Kinloch, of about a dozen houses, built in a singular manner, with walls very thick and low, with the roofs or thatch reaching little beyond the inner edge, so that they serve as benches for the lazy inhabitants, whom we found sitting on them in great numbers, expecting our landing, with that avidity for news common to the whole country.

Houses.

Entered the house with the best aspect, but found it little superior in goodness to those of Ilay; this indeed had a chimney and windows, which distinguished it from the others, and denoted the superiority of the owner: the rest knew neither windows nor chimnies; a little hole on one side gave an exit to the smoke: the fire is made on the floor beneath; above hangs a rope, with the pot-hook at the end to hold the vessel that contains their hard fare, a little fish, milk, or potatoes. Yet, beneath the roof I entered, I found an address and politeness from the owner and his wife that were astonishing: such pretty apologies ! for the badness of the treat, the curds and milk that were offered; which were tendered to us with as much readiness and good will, as by any of old Homer's dames, celebrated by him in his Odyssey for their hospitality. I doubt much whether their cottages or their fare was much better; but it must be confessed that they might be a little more cleanly than our good hostess.

Rum, or Ronin as it is called by the DEAN,230 is the property of Mr. Macleane, of Col; a landlord mentioned by the natives with much affection. The length is about twelve miles; the breadth six: the number of souls at this time three hundred and twenty-five; of families only fifty-nine,231 almost all protestant.232 The heads of families, with their wives, were at this time all alive, except five, three widowers and two widows. They had with them a hundred and two sons and only seventy-six daughters: this disproportion prevales in Cannay, and the other little islands; in


[278]

order, in the end, to preserve a ballance between the two sexes; as the men are, from their way of life, so perpetually exposed to danger in these stormy seas, and to other accidents that might occasion a depopulation, was it not so providentially ordered. xxxiii

The island is one great mountain, divided into several points; the highest called Aisgobhall.233 About this bay, and towards the East side, the land slopes towards the water side; but on the South West forms precipices of a stupendous height. The surface of Rum is in a manner covered with heath, and in a state of nature: the heights rocky. There is very little arable land, excepting about the nine little hamlets that the natives have grouped in different places; near which the corn is sown in diminutive patches, for the tenants here run-rig as in Cannay. The greatest farmer holds five pounds twelve shillings a year, and pays his rent in money. The whole of the island is two thousand marksxxxiv.

The little corn and potatoes they raise is very good; but so small is the quantity of bear and oats, that there is not a fourth part produced to supply their annual wants: all the subsistence the poor people have besides, is curds milk and fish. They are well made and well-looking race, but carry famine in their aspect. Are often a whole summer without a grain in the island; which they regret not on their own account, but for the sake of their poor babes. In the present oeconomy of the island, there is no prospect of any improvement. Here is an absurd custom of alllotting a certain stock to the land; for example, a farmer is allowed to keep fourteen head of cattle, thirty sheep, and six mares,

Corn.
Cattle.

[279]

on a certain tract called a penny-land xxxv.235 The person who keeps more is obliged to repair out of his superfluity any loss his neighbor may sustain in his herds or flocks.

A number of black cattle is sold, at thirty or forty shillings per head, to graziers, who come annually from Skie, and other places. The mutton here is small, but the most delicate in our dominions, if the goodness of our appetites did not pervert our judgment: the purchase of a fat sheep was four shillings and sixpence: the natives kill a few, and also of cows, to salt for winter provisions. A few goats are kept here: abundance of mares, and a necessary number of stallions; for the colts are an article of commerce, but they never part with the fillies.

Every penny-land is restricted to twenty-eight sums of cattle; one milch cow is reckoned a sum, or ten sheep: a horse is reckoned two sums.236 By this regulation every person is at liberty to make up his sums with what species of cattle he pleases; but then is at the same time prevented from injuring his neighbor (in a place where grazing is in common) by rearing too great a stock. This rule is often broken; but, by the former regulation, the sufferer may repair his loss from the herds of the avaritious.

No hay is made in this island, nor any sort of provender for winter provision. The domestic animals support themselves as well as they can on spots of grass preserved for that purpose. In every farm is one man, from his office called Fear-cuartaich 237 whose sole business is to preserve the grass and corn: as a reward he is allowed grass for four cows, and the produce of as much arable land as one horse can till and harrow.

Very few poultry are reared here, on account of the scarcity of grain.


[280]

No wild quadrupeds are found, excepting stags: these animals once abounded here,238 but they are now reduced to eighty, by the eagles, who not only kill the fawns, but the old deer, seizing them between the horns, and terrifying them till they fall down some precipice, and become their prey.239

Stags.

The birds we observed were ring-tail eagles, ravens, hooded-crows, white wagtails, wheat-ears, titlarks, ring-ouzels, grous, ptarmigans, curlews, green plovers, fasceddars or arctic gulls, and the greater terns: the DEAN mentions gannets, but none appeared while we were in the island.240

Birds.

At the foot of Sgor-mor, opposite to Cannay, are found abundance of agates, of that species called by Cronsted, sek. Lx1, 6. Achates chalcedonisans, improperly, white cornelians:241 several singular strata, such as grey quartzy stone, Cronsted, sect. CCLxXIV: another, a mixture of quartz and basaltes, a black stone, spotted with white, like porphyry, but with the appearance of a lava:242 fine grit, or free stone, and the cinereous indurated bole of Cronsted, sect. LXXXVII.

Agates.

Land again: walk five miles up the sides of the island, chiefy over heath and moory ground: cross two deep gullies, varied with several pretty cascades, falling from rock to rock: pass by great masses of stone, corroded as if they had lain on the shore. After a long ascent reach Loch-nan-grun, a piece of water amidst the rocks, beneath some of the highest peaks of the mountains. Abundance of terns inhabit this loch. Return excessively wet with constant rain.

JULY 14.

Notwithstanding this island has several streams, here is not a single mill; all the molinary operations are done at home: the corn is graddan'd,243 or burnt out of the ear, instead of being thrashed: this is performed two ways; first, by cutting off the ears, and drying them in a kiln, then setting fire to them on a floor, and picking out the grains, by this operation rendered as

Graddan.

[281]

black as coal. The other method is more expeditious, for the whole sheaf is burnt, without the trouble of cutting off the ears: a most ruinous practice, as it destroys both thatch and manure, and on that account has been wisely prohibited in some of the islands. Graddaned corn was the parched corn of HOLY WRIT. Thus Boaz presents his beloved Ruth with parched corn;244 and Jesse sends David with an Ephah of the same to his sons in the camp of Saul.245 The grinding was also performed by the same sort of machine the quern,246 in which two women were necessarily employed: thus, it is prophesied two women shall be grinding at the mill, one shall be taken, the other left.247 I must observe too that the island lasses are as merry at their work of grinding the Graddan, the καχρος of the antients, as those of Greece were in the days of Aristophanes,

Who warbled as they ground their parched cornxxxvi

The quern or bra 249 is made in some of the neighboring counties, in the mainland, and costs about fourteen shillings. This method of grinding is very tedious: for it employs two pair of hands four hours to grind only a single bushel of corn.250 Instead of a hair sieve to sift the meal the inhabitants here have an ingenious substitute, a sheep's skin stretched round a hoop, and perforated with small holes made with a hot iron. They knead their bannock with water only, and bake or rather toast it, by laying it upright against a stone placed near the fire.

Quern.
Sieve.

For want of lime they dress their leather with calcined shells: and use the same method of tanning it as in Cannay.251

The inhabitants of Rum are people that scarcely know sickness;252 if they are attacked with a dysentery they make use of a decoction of the roots of the Tormentilla erecta in milk.253 The small-pox


[282]

has vislted them but once in thirty-four years, only two sickened and both recovered.254 The measles come often.

It is not wonderful that some superstitions should reign in these sequestered parts. Second sight is firmly believed at this time.255 My informant said that Lauchlan Mac-Kerran of Cannay had told a gentleman that he could not rest for the noise he heard of the hammering of nails into his coffin: accordingly the gentleman died within fifteen days.

Superstition.

Molly Mac-leane (aged forty) has the power of foreseeing events through a well scraped blade bone of mutton:256 some time ago she took up one and pronounced that five graves were soon to be opened; one for a grown person: the other four for children; one of which was to be of her own kin: and so it fell out. These pretenders to second sight, like the Pythian priestess,257 during their inspiration fall into trances, foam at the mouth, grow pale, and feign to abstain from food for a month, so over-powered are they by the visions imparted to them during their paroxysms.

I must not omit a most convenient species of second sight, possessed by a gentleman of a neighboring isle, who foresees all visitors, so has time to prepare accordingly: but enough of these tales, founded on impudence and nurtured by folly.258

Here are only the ruins of a church in this island; so the minister is obliged to preach, the few times he visits his congregation, in the open air.259 The attention of our popish ancestors in this article, delivers down a great reproach on the negligence of their reformed descendants:260 the one leaving not even the most distant and savage part of our dominions without a place of worship; the other suffering the natives to want both instructor, and temple.

Church.

Authorial notes
i. Cronsted, No. CELXVII.
ii. Sir Roger Twisden's rise of monastic states, 36.
iii. M. S. in Advoc. Libr. 1693.29
iv. Keith, 280.
v. Or Charles.
vi. Short Descr. of Jona, 1693. Advoc. Libr. M. S.
vii. p. 19.
viii. Boethius, lib. vii. p. 122.
ix. lib. vii. p. 119.
x. lib. vi. p. 90.
xi. Doctor Macpherson.
xii. Fordun, lib. II. c. 10.
xiii. From the Regiam majestatem.
xiv. p. 132.
xv. Buchanan, lib. I. c. 37. Dean of the isles, 19.
xvi. lib. vi. p. 108, 109.
xvii. Habere autem soset ipsa insula rectorem semper Abbatem Presbyterum cujusjuri et omnis Provincia et ipsi etiam Episcopi ordine inusitato debeant esse subjecti. lib. III. c. 4106
xviii. De Brit. Eceles. Primord. Cap. xv. p. 701.
xix. The DEAN.
xx. p. 282, & Torfaeus, in many parts of his history of the Orknies. i. 3.
xxi. Vide Mac-kenzie, Stilling fleet, Lluyd.
xxii. Boethius, lib. vii. p. 114, Paulus Jovius,126 quoted by Usher, Br. Eccl. 507.
xxiii. M. S. Advocates Library.
xxiv. These are most erroneously placed in the maps, a very considerable distance too far to the North.137
xxv. I cannot but express the obligations I have to this gentleman for his very kind intentions of informing me of this matchless curiosity; for I am informed that he pursued me in a boat for two miles, to acquaint me with what he had observed: but, unfortunately for me, we out-sailed his liberal intention.
xxvi. When I lay in the sound of Jona, two gentlemen from the isle of Mull, and whose settlements were there, seemed to know nothing of this place; at lest they never mentioned it as any thing wonderful.
xxvii.

Staffa is taken notice of by Buchanan, but in the slightest manner; and among the thousands who have navigated these seas, none have paid the lest attention to its grand and striking characteristic, till this present year.

This island is the property of Mr. Lauchlan Mac-Quarie, of Ulva, and is now to be dispased of.151
xxviii. 159The Giant's Causeway has its bending pillars; but I imagine them to be very different from these. Those I saw were erect, and ran along the face of a high cliff, bent stiangely in their middle, as if unable, at their original formation, while in a soft state, to support the mass of incumbent earth that pressed on them.160
xxix. As this account is copied from Mr. Banks's journal, I take the liberty of saying (what by this time that gentleman is well acquainted with) that Staffa is a genuine mass of Basaltes, or Giant’s Causeway; but in most respects superior to the Irish in grandeur.190
xxx. Torfaeus, 164.
xxxi. This was discovered by Mr. Murdoch Mackenzie.
xxxii. In Br. Zol. III. p. 193, is an account of a fishery of this nature.213
xxxiii. In Chester, and other large towns, tho' the number of males exceeds the number of females born; yet when arrived to the age of puberty the females are much more numerous than males; because the latter, in every period of life, are more liable to fatal diseases.
xxxiv. A Scot mark is little more than thirteen-pence-farthing.234
xxxv. The division into penny-lands, and much of the rural oeconomy, agree in both islands.
xxxvi. Nubes, act v. scene 11. Graddan is derived from Grad quick,248 as the process is so expeditious.

Editorial notes
1. ‘Bonirevor’, marked on Murdoch Mackenzie’s 1775 chart ‘The West Side of the Isle of Mull with the Islands of Tiri and Coll’, see map via National Library of Scotland [external link]. Presumably ‘Bogha nan Ràmhair’. Thanks to D-U Stiùbhart for this information.
2. Probably ‘Bull Hole’, to the east of Eilean nam Ban in the Sound of Iona.
3. See Plate XXI, Moses Griffith’s ‘General View of Jona’.
4. Officially known as the ‘Parish of Kinfinichen and Kilviceuen…but in the country, it is only known by the name of the parish of Ross, from a large district of it so called. This very extensive parish is situated in the SW part of the island of Mull’. (SAS 1794, XII, ‘Parish of Kinfinichen and Kilviceuen’ pp.170-211, pp.170-1). Walker names the minister in 1764 as Dr Neil Macleod, but regrets that ‘the minister’s residence is so distant, that they are quite cut off from his instructions, unless when he visits the island, which happens but seldom, because of the extent of his parish’. (‘History of...Icolumbkill’, p.120, p. 119).
5. Pre-improvement method of agriculture widely practiced in the Highlands and Islands, as well as elsewhere in Scotland. ‘A system of land tenure in which a piece of arable land was divided into rigs or strips, running parallel to each other and from one end to the other of the ‘town’, and allocated to tenants each year by lot and rotation, adjacent rigs being allocated to different tenants’. See Dictionaries of the Scots Language [external link].
6. These two paragraphs substantially based on Stuart’s information in his letter of 31 Dec 1773 (with some water-damage): see CT 0428 [external link].
7. ‘There are thirty eight families at present in I-colm-kill [...] of which at an average there [...] five souls’ (Stuart, CT 0428 [external link]); Walker estimated the population at ‘about 200’, a substantial decrease from the population of 480 reported by William Sacheverell in 1702. (Walker, Report, p. 140).
8. Banks, who visited Iona a few weeks after TP, mentioned that his guide ‘boasted that he was descended both by father & mother from those who came over with St Columba’, and complained that visitors had already ‘corrupted the hospitality of their country’, so that unusually tourists had to negotiate in advance for the price of accommodation and food, as well as a paid guide to show them round the ruins. (Banks, Journals, pp. 209-10). Although TP makes no mention of a guide here, his party was certainly guided round the island, doubtless the source of some of his information. Sharpe tentatively identifies the guide who conducted Pennant, Banks and Boswell and Johnson round the ruins of Iona in 1772-3 as the island’s assistant schoolmaster, a son of Neil Macdonald, ‘chief man’ of the island and the Duke of Argyll’s tenant. (‘Iona in 1771’, p. 165. Boswell wrote ‘our cicerone was a stupid fellow’ and claimed that he was illiterate. (To the Hebrides, p. 391). Dr Johnson was of the opinion that ‘The inhabitants are remarkably gross, and remarkably neglected: I know not if they are visited by any Minister’. (To the Hebrides, p. 384).
9. Sea-Bugloss. ‘Pulmonaria’, Lightfoot, 134. ‘Originally: the plant lungwort, Pulmonaria officinalis. Later also: any of various plants of the genus Pulmonaria (family Boraginaceae) to which this plant belongs, comprising perennial herbaceous plants with hairy leaves and pink, blue, or purple bell-shaped flowers’ (OED). See BSBI Plant Atlas entry [external link].
10. Lightfoot, p. 121. ‘Sea-holly (Eryngium maritimum). A glaucous, spiny-leaved perennial herb confined to coastal habitats, occurring mainly on incipient and mobile sand dunes and occasionally on shingle; often a little above high-tide mark.’ See BSBI Plant Atlas entry [external link].
11. Lightfoot, p. 144. Deadly Nightshade, ‘An extremely poisonous herbaceous plant, Atropa belladonna (family Solanaceae), native to Europe, western Asia, and North Africa, which has greenish-purple flowers and shiny black berries, yields atropine, and has been used medicinally and as a cosmetic and poison’ (OED). See BSBI Plant Atlas entry [external link]. In the Nunnery of Iona, Sacheverell noted four-foot high ‘Solanum Lethale, or Deadly Night-shade. It had large purple stalks, thick fat Leaves, and black Buds of a three Square Figure’. (Voyage to I-Columb-kill, p. 144).
12. What Pennant calls ‘Durus Rubescens’ or 'red granite' is a distinctive pink granite formed in the Silurian period and found in the Ross of Mull. See entry in the British Geological Survey [external link].
13. Nun’s Island: ‘opposite the granite quarries at Tormore is a long rocky island called Eilean-nam-Ban, the women's island, from a tradition that St Columba banished all women from Iona and placed them in huts, the ruins of which are still pointed out on this island’. See Trove.scot [external link].
14. Breccia is a 'composite rock consisting of angular fragments of stone, etc., cemented together by some matrix, such as lime’. (OED)
15. 'Trap' is a 'dark-coloured igneous rock more or less columnar in structure’ (OED). ‘There are two main rock types represented in Iona. On the west side of the island, the rocks are mainly Lewisian Gneiss (over 2000 million years old). On the east side, altered sedimentary rocks, known as the ‘Iona Group’, which are about 1000 million years old and have affinities with the Torridonian rocks found elsewhere in the North-West Highlands’. See ScottishGeologyTrust.org [external link].
16. ‘Fordun and Pennant made the equation between Iona and the Hebrew Jona “dove”’, Note to Adomnàn, Life of St Columba, trans and ed by Richard Sharpe (London: Penguin, 1991), pp. 258-9. The Hebrew ‘yonah’ fits nicely with Columba’s Gaelic name and Adomnàn’s ‘Second Preface’ (p. 104), which gives ‘Jona’ as the the name of the saint, Columb Cille, ‘dove of the church’, rather than of the island. TP etymology probably follows Dr Walker, who makes the same identification ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 113). Sharpe adds ‘the name ‘Iona’…is relatively modern, being found in MSS of the 14th century and later. It was also used in late medieval inscriptions, but its origin seems to have been a misreading of Ioua insula, Adomnan’s name for the island…From the 9th century for nearly a thousand years the island was generally called I Coluimb Chille (in various spellings). (Life of St Columba, p. 257).
17. See Tour 72, page 205 above. TP follows Walker, Macpherson and other sources based on Bede in arguing that Columba’s ‘design in coming to Scotland in 565 AD was ‘to preach the word of God in the provinces of the Northern Picts’, and that he succeeded in converting ‘King Bridius’ ‘to the faith’. (Macpherson, Crit Diss p. 374, quoting Bede). Gilbert Markús disputes this, following Adomnán’s evidence in Life of Columba that the saint came as an ascetic, not a missionary: moreover, if converting the Picts was his goal, ‘you would not expect him to have established his centre on one of the most western parts of Scotland’ (‘Iona: Monks, Pastors, and Missionaries’, in Spes Scotorum: Hope of Scots. Saint Columba, Iona, and Scotland, ed. Dauvit Broun and Thomas Owen Clancy, (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999), pp. 115-138, 132-3). See also Markús, Conceiving a Nation p. 119-23, for the ideological rationale underpinning Bede’s claims, and the lack of evidence that Columba actually converted or baptised the Pictish King.
18. See p. 236 above and note.
19. ‘Hy’ – G. ‘Ì’ or or ‘Eiliean Idhe’.
20. Carn Cùl ri Èirinn, lona, located in the SW corner of the island, adjacent to Druim an Aoinidh. Sharpe attributes the origins of this story to Thomas Garnett in 1798, but Garnett certainly derived it from Pennant, who might have heard it from the local guide. (Intro to Adomnán, Life, p. 15).
21. Adomnán, Life, II, 35, p. 184. Cited by Macpherson, Crit. Diss, p. 374.
22. See Macpherson ‘Dissertation XX’, ‘The most ancient churches of Britain were founded, in all probability, by Asiatic missionaries. The conformity of their belief and practice in the affairs of Easter, to that which prevailed among the Christians of the East, strengthens this opinion’. (Crit. Diss. pp. 348-66, p. 360)
23. Canons, regular and secular, are 'Clerics living in common under some approved rule or canonicus. Their origin lies in the early Christian presbyteral council of priests with whom the bishop shared his ministry and, often, his house. In response to the demands of evangelization beyond the mother church (cathedra), some of these priests ventured forth as missionaries and set up communities where they lived and prayed together…their way of life varied markedly. Some lived as monks espousing poverty; others engaged in pastoral care and kept personal property.’ Robert E. Bjork (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages (Oxford, 2020).
24. The date of Easter was contested between the Christian church in Britain, which followed the Roman system, and that in Ireland: the matter was settled at the Synod of Whitby in AD 664 in favour of the Roman, but this was not accepted for another fifty years by many in the Columbian church in Iona and in Pictland. The correct fashion of the tonsure, distinguishing monks from laymen, was also controversial: ‘the Roman way was to shave the crown of the head and the back and sides to leave a ring of hair, whereas the Celtic tradition was to shave away the hair at the front of the head as well, leaving an arc of hair round the back of the hair’. Anne Ritchie, Iona (London: Batsford, 1997), pp. 63-4. But complicating this view, see Márkus, Conceiving a Nation, pp. 146-50.
25. Adamnán, Life, I, 8, p. 119. Examples of the ‘miracles and strange tales that legends have vouched and tradition transmitted from age to age’ concerning Columba are treated rather dismissively by Dr Macpherson (Crit. Diss. p. 375)
26. Adomnàn, Life, III 23.
27. Closely following Walker 'History of...Icolumbkill' (p. 141) including the Latin verse on Columba’s burial alongside the Irish saints Patrick and Bridget in Ireland. This based on Camden, ‘The County of Down’: ‘a bishop’s see, and remarkable for the tombs of Patrick, Bridget and Columba, who have this rhyming distich writ upon them’ [Latin translated ‘One tomb three saints contains; one vault below / Does Bridget, Patrick and Columba show’]. (Camden, ‘County of Down’, p.45 l. 12). See University of Michigan Digital Collections [external link].
28. Cathal Ó hOdhráin is Charles Horan, a secular Irish priest who was active in the Western islands between 1655 and 1664: he was a native of the diocese of Elphin in Connacht. See Fiona Macdonald, Ireland and Scotland: historical perspectives on the Gaelic dimension 1560-1760. PhD thesis (Glasgow 1994), 433, 442, 444, 586, 972, 982 (http://theses.gla.ac.uk/75448/ [external link]). Thanks to D-U Stiùbhart for this information.
29. ‘A Short Description of I. or Iona, 1693’. Unsigned, but attributed in Sir Robert Sibbald’s ‘Repertory’ (NLS Adv. 33.3.16. p.31) to John Fraser (c.1647-1702) Dean of the Isles (app. 1633) and episcopalian minister of Coll, Tiree, and Iona. iAuthorshop confirmed by Sharpe, ‘Iona in 1771’, p. 244). In a letter to Paton of 2 Feb 1773, TP thanked him for ‘the account you transcribed from Jo. Frazer was he Dean of the isles, or son to him, pray what date’ (CT 0375 [external link]). See also NLS Adv.MS.28.3.12. TP also mentions ‘Mr Frazier on p. 249, quoting from Sacheverell. ‘A Short Description of I. or Iona, 1693’ was printed in Walter Macfarlane’s Geographical Collections Relating to Scotland, ed. Sir Arthur Mitchell, 3 vols., (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1907), II, 216-7. Fraser sign the text that follows in Geographical Collections: ‘An Answer to Sir Robert Sybalde’s Queries for the Isles of Tirry, Gunna, Colle and Icolmkill’ (pp. 217-9). Mitchell’s edition includes manuscript ‘Descriptions of several Western Isles by various authors, 1693, collected for Sir Robert Sibbald’, and undated (folios 20-23), the originals of which are to be found in Sibbald`s ‘Topographical Notices’, Adv.MS.34.2.8, folios 193-198. See also TP’s earlier letter to Paton, 22nd Dec 1772 (CT 0121 [external link]) ‘I am much obliged to you for the list of Sir R. Sibbald’s works: ‘Pray can you find anything new in his Description of the islands; or anything relating to the Religious houses in Oransay, Iona, or any of the Isles?’
30. The first recorded Viking raid on Iona was in AD 795, according to the Annals of Ulster (Ritchie, p. 91).
31. Cluniacs were a ‘Reformed monastic order founded in the 10th century that became the leading form of religious life in western Europe until the 12th century… The pattern of Cluniac life was established by Odo of Cluny, who instituted the practice of perpetual prayer, notably in singing the Divine Office during the liturgical hours of the day.’ See Bjork (ed.), Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages.
32. ‘In this Ile vas a societie of the Druids when Columbus came there, but it seems they were none of the best for he banished them all’. (‘Short Description of Iona 1693’, p. 217). ‘This isle was originally called Inish Drunish, or the Isle of the Druids’ (Pococke, Tours, p. 85).
33. TP makes no reference to St Ronan’s Church (Teampull Rònain) situated next to the nunnery and mentioned by Martin, which served as Iona’s parish church in the late middle ages. See Thomas Clancy ‘The Church of Teampull Rònain: His or Hers?’ See Iona's Namescape [external link].
34. Rotchet: ‘an overgarment which covered the head and part of the body, made up of white or black linen with long sleeves which fit close to the arms and ended at the hand’.
35. ‘The Nunnery with its church and cloisters is effectively a smaller version of the Abbey, and it is in fact one of the best-preserved medieval nunneries in the British Isles’ (Ritche, Iona, p. 108). ‘The remains comprise the nunnery church, together with portions of associated conventual buildings lying on the s side. The original early-13th-century layout is to a large extent preserved, and most of the existing buildings can be ascribed to this period, apart from the S and W claustral ranges, which were enlarged and rebuilt around a more spacious cloister-garth towards the end of the 15th century. Certain alterations were also made to the church at this time in order to increase the amount of accommodation and to provide an additional altar-chapel. Following the cessation of religious life in the 16th century the buildings gradually become ruinous, and remained derelict until about 1874, when the surviving portions of the fabric were repaired and consolidated; the church was partially restored in 1923’. See Trove.scot [external link].
36. For TP, cow-dung in the Nunnery obscuring antique inscriptions was clearly ‘matter out of place’, given the usefulness of ‘fine manure’ for ‘enriching [their]grounds’. But his account gains additional resonance from Sacheverell’s observation, upon visiting the Nunnery: ‘it is said that the good Man [St Columba] was so severe that he would not let Cows come into the Island, because they would require Women to manage them: Either this rigid humour afterwards abated, or his Successors at least found both very useful; At present I observ’d some Hundred of Cows, and the Nunnery and the Ruins of the Town shew that their Affairs were not so wholly manag’d without the Female Sex’ (Voyage to I-Columb-kill, p. 137). The author of ‘Iona in 1771’ also introduced a Gaelic proverb representing Iona’s desolation in terms of cow-dung: Mun tig so gu crich, / Bithidh I mar a bha, / Gun a ghuth mannaich, / Fuidh shalchar bá’: Before this happens, I will be as it was, Without the voice of a monk, Under the dung of cows’. (Sharpe, p. 215).
37. See Plate XXIV II ‘The Abbess’. When Banks visited Iona the following month, he noted (making his first reference to TP) ‘every thing being in an absolute state of desolation the very chappel turnd into a cow house in which no monument was to be seen but one which had lately been dug by Mr Pennant from under 3 feet of cow dung. On this was inscribed the name of a prioress’. (Rauschenberg, ‘Journal’, p. 210). The following summer, Dr Johnson observed ‘The chapel of the nunnery is now used by the inhabitants as a kind of general cow-house, and the bottom is consequentially too miry for examination. Some of the stones which covered the later abbesses have inscriptions, which might yet be read, if the chapel were cleansed’. (Apparently it was, and the inscription read, because as Boswell notes, the chapel was ‘a foot deep with cow-dung. They cleared it off for us at one place and showed us the gravestone of a lady abbess’. (To the Hebrides, pp. 382, 392). When Thomas Garnett visited in 1797, he attributed the absence of dung from the nunnery to TP’s clearance 35 years earlier! (See Leask, Stepping Westward, p. 129).
38. ‘Blessed Mary pray for me’
39. Graveslab of Prioress Anna Maclean, which lay over her grave in the nunnery church, now in Iona Abbey Museum. Trans. ‘Here lies Lady Anna, daughter of Donald, son of Charles, sometime Prioress of Iona, who died in the year 1543. We commend her soul to the All-Highest’. The museum panel notes that ‘Anna’s grave slab was damaged when part of the nunnery collapsed in 1800. Luckily, Welsh traveller Thomas Pennant made a drawing of it in 1772, so we know the missing portion carried an image of the Virgin and Child’ which was used in reconstructing the image. See Trove.scot [external link].
40. Stuart mentions in his letter of 7th Jan 1773 ‘the notes which I had taken down when I visited that island formerly, which was as far as I remember in Augt. 1769’ (CT 0429 [external link]). He probably visited with the antiquary John Ramsay of Ochtertyre.
41. Trans. ‘Here lies Mariota MacIain, daughter of Lachlin, Lord of…[Coll]’. (L. Maclean, A Historical Account of Iona, from the Earliest Period, 2nd ed., (Edinburgh, 1833) p.10. Both Martin (Description, p.160) and Walker ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 150) cite another inscription in the Nunnery: ‘Behag nijn Sorle vic II vrid priorissa’, ‘Bathia [Bethóc, Beatrice] daughter to Somerled, son of Gilbert, prioress’. Untraced.
42. The author of ‘Iona in 1771’ cites this Gaelic proverb (in slightly different form from TP, with ‘Deamhain’ – devil - instead of ‘mallacha’- mischief) and comments ‘This illiberal and impolite notion (if tradition were true) must leave a disagreeable stain upon the saint, but is consistent enough with the absurd ideas of monkish times’ (‘Iona in 1771’ p. 184). These are the first recorded citations of the Gaelic proverb: Sharpe assumes that both his author and TP picked it up from the guide (Sharpe p. 203).
43. This cobbled way dates from the time of the construction of the Abbey. Now known as the ‘Street of the Dead’, it is ‘part of a system of early tracks linking the Abbey to the Nunnery, to St Ronan’s Bay and to Martyr’s Bay’. (Ritchie, pp.102-3) See Walker, ‘Causeway’ ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 150)
44. Reilig Odhrain, Reilig Orain, ‘St Oran’s burial ground’: mentioned by Fordun, Monro, Martin, Sacheverell, Campbell, but TP here follows ‘Iona 1693’ MS (p. 216), and Walker’s account of its neglected condition: ‘it is 60 feet long and 22 broad within the wall, and choked up with monumental stones, either covered with moss or half-buried with rubbish’. ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 142; Sharpe, p. 238).
45. Lightfoot, 476-7. 'Butter-bur' refers to ‘Any of several perennial plants of the genus Petasites (family Asteraceae) which are found in wet regions of Eurasia and North America, and have spikes of pale purple or white flowers, thick rhizomes, and large soft leaves; esp. the common P. vulgaris.’ (OED). See BSBI Plant Atlas entry [external link].
46. Monro, Western Islands, p. 315. In 1695, Martin writes that there was an inscription on the shrine over the royal burials ‘giving an account of each particular tomb, but time has worn them off’. (Description, p. 159).
47. Walker, 'History of...Icolumbkill', p. 143. The burial of King Malcolm Canmore and Queen Margaret in Dunfermline Abbey in 1093 established a new tradition of royal burials that included many of Scotland’s medieval royalty, most notably Robert the Bruce.
48. The Alpinid dynasty, who ruled in Scotland in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, with a claim based on descent from Cinaed mac Ailpín [Kenneth mac Alpin] (d. 858). ‘The secret of the success of the descendants of Kenneth mac Alpin after 900 was that a power-sharing arrangement kept the two branches of the family from fighting each other for the kingship. The deal was that the kingship would rotate between the descendants of Kenneth's sons, Constantine I (d. 876) and Aed (d. 878)… This new form of succession meant that descent in the male line from Kenneth mac Alpin became the lynchpin in defining the kingship. Moreover, through Kenneth's Gaelic male pedigree, the kingship was identified explicitly as a Gaelic institution. The solidarity between the two branches of the family broke down in 965, and the descendants of Aed (d. 878) were finally excluded after 997. The family's monopoly of power came to an end after the reign of Malcolm II (Mael Coluim mac Cinaeda) (1005–34).’ See Michael Lynch (ed.), The Oxford Companion to Scottish History (Oxford, 2007).
49. Referring not to the 12th century St Oran’s Chapel, in the centre of Reilig Odhràin: but ‘the small building which answers exactly to the description he [i.e. Monro and Buchanan] gives [of the Tumulus of the Scots kings]…there is a ruinous heap, overgrown with grass, at a little distance from it on each side, which appears to be the remains of the other two buildings he mentions’ [i.e. the Tumuli of the kings of Ireland and Norway]. (Walker, 'History of...Icolumbkill', p. 143).
50. Quoting from Monro, Western Islands, p. 315.
51. Stuart gives the English translation of this Gaelic prophecy in his letter to TP of 31 Dec 1773 (CT 0428 [external link]) which TP here copies verbatim, but not the Gaelic original. Sharpe notes the significant differences in the Gaelic text from that quoted in ‘Iona in 1771’, evidence that the anonymous latter text is not the work of John Stuart, but of another visitor well-versed in Gaelic. He indicates that the version in ‘Iona in 1771’ is the earliest on record, and offers a close comparative reading, which (while preferring Pennant’s rendering) rejects the hypothesis that ‘both reflect the local guide’s version: they must be independent’. (Sharpe, pp. 210-15, 211). This ‘antient’ Gaelic prophecy, whatever its source, thereafter entered the literature on Iona. For another interpretation of the prophecy, which finds it rooted in Druidic beliefs, see Donald Macqueen to TP, 4th May 1774 (CT 0415 [external link]).
52. The Maelpatrick Stone. Early visitors, including TP, misread this early Christian cross-incised stones with its Gaelic inscription. According to Campbell, this was the sole remaining stone with a legible inscription: ‘Cormac Ulshada hic est situs, that is Cormac barbatus. According to Dr Keating…Cormac Macart, one of the kings of Ireland, was buried here AD 213’. (Burrell p. 55). Walker corroborates the identification with Coromac ‘one of the kings of Ireland in very ancient times’ ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 146). Pococke transcribes the corra-litir inscription, rendered as ‘Coramac Ulfhada hic est situs’ (Tours, p. 84). In fact the Old Irish inscription reads ‘+ OR(OIT) DO MAILFATAR/IC ‘(A prayer for Mail-Phatraic). This fragment of stone was first recorded as being in Reilig Orain but was removed to Inveraray Castle in 1854’. See Trove.scot [external link].
53. The Gaelic inscription actually reads ‘OR(OIT) AR ANMAIN EOGAIN’ - A prayer for the soul of Eogan. It is now in the Abbey Museum (No 40). This rectangular slab bears a ringed cross with rounded sunken angles and a shaft ending in a circular foot. Not noted by any other 18th century visitor. See Trove.scot [external link].
54. In 1790 (p.286), this inscription is corrected to: ‘Hic jacent quator Priores de --- e una natione V: Johannes, Hugonius, Patricius: in decretis olim Bacularius, alter Hugonius,* qui obiit an. Dom. Millessm. Quincentessimo’. * is footnoted ‘Corrected by John Lloyd, Esq., of Wyg-fair, Flintshire’. In the Beinecke Library’s copy of Tour 1772 (Osborn pc212, p. 285) TP has here added a marginal note in black ink ‘ex una natione’ (tr. ‘from one clan’) to complete the transcription.
55. Ditto Beinecke (p. 285) added here ‘t: alter Hugonius’ (tr. ‘another Hugo’).
56. Trans. ‘Here lie four priors of Iona from one clan, namely John, Hugo, Patrick, late Bachelor of Decreets, and another Hugo who died in the year of Our Lord 15--'. This rectangular graveslab was formerly in Reilig Orain. On it are carved four panels, each of which bears a foliated cross. The panels are separated by further rows of foliage ornament. They are surrounded by an enclosed inscription and rosettes. (No 104). See Trove.scot [external link].
57. Stuart recalled his prior visit as being in August 1769, which hardly squares with TP’s statement here, unless the former had made more than one visit to Iona.
58. Dr John Frazer (c.1647-1702), son of Rev Farquhar Fraser, appointed Dean of the Isles in 1633, as well as minister of Coll, Tiree, and Iona. According to Sharpe, Fraser was the author of the ‘Short Description of I or Iona 1693’ which TP quotes as ‘MS Advocates Library, 1693’. (Sharpe, ‘Iona in 1771’, p. 244) John Frazer succeeded his father as Dean of the Isles in 1680, but at the Revolution was deprived of his living, although he continued to exercise his ministry until his death in 1702. J.R.N Macphail, ‘The Cleansing of I-colum-cille’, Scottish Historical Review, 22, 85 (Oct. 1924), 14-24, 18.
59. Sacheverell, Voyage to I-Columb-kill, p. 132. If this is true, the loss of Fraser’s book of inscriptions is tragic given that so many of the originals have been destroyed by time.
60. Although variants of the story of the burial of St Oran exist in earlier times, the version related here by TP probably derives from the Guide, or from Macpherson. Sharpe notes that the anonymous author of ‘Iona in 1771’ was ‘the first to include lines of Gaelic [Oran’s heretical words and Columba’s response] that must come directly from island tradition’. (Sharpe, ‘Iona in 1771’, p. 207-8) The legend receives no support from Adomnán's account of the first burial of one of the Columban community, and Oran's name does not appear in the earliest list of Columba's companions. But Sharpe misses a more immediate precursor for TP’s version: Macpherson’s Critical Dissertation: ‘No sooner was the brave martyr’s face uncovered, than he opened his mouth and cried aloud in the Galic language, Death is no great affair, hell is a mere joke’. Columba…was greatly shocked at the dangerous heterodoxy of this doctrine, and with great presence of mind cried out, Earth on the head of Oran, and prevent his prattling’ (Crit. Diss. p. 376). Banks’s guide informed him that Oran was Columba’s brother: Banks then cites Macpherson’ account quoted above (Journals, p. 210). See Márkus, ‘Inventing Odrán’, especially pp. 8-12, 18-24, which relates this story of the death of St Oran to earlier accounts of the death and burial of ‘substitute saints’ in the Derry Life and other medieval Irish hagiographic texts. See Trove.scot [external link].
61. A 'cacodaemon' is an evil spirit, from Greek κακοδαίμων (evil genius), as distinct from the morally neutral ‘daimon’ (δαίμων). (OED)
62. The Book of Samuel describes Saul’s tortured relationship with his successor, King David, and his consultation of the Witch of Endor prior to the Battle of Mount Gilboa.
63. The beautiful surviving canopied mural tomb on the south wall, probably constructed for the last Lord of the Isles before his forfeiture in 1493, now empty.
64. i.e. ‘isle of Man’.
65. Trans. ‘This is the cross of Lachlan MacKinnon and his son John Abbot of Iona, made in the year of Our Lord 1489’. A birlinn or galley sails beneath the dedication on Mackinnon’s Cross in Oran’s Chapel. Dr Walker writes ‘in the small chapel adjoining to the south wall of the choir lies interred Lauchlan Macfingone, father of the above Abbot…under a plain stone, with this inscription, in Gaelic characters’ ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 139) The style belongs to the Iona school of carving and it is now in the Abbey Museum (No 93). See Trove.scot [external link]. Lachlan Mackinnon (1467-1498) was a Benedictine Abbot of Iona.
66. Recorded by Dr Walker: ‘probably the monument of that Angus who was lord of the isles in the reign of Robert the Bruce, and the steady friend of that monarch in his greatest misfortunes’. ('History of...Icolumbkill' p. 142). See Trove.scot [external link].
67. Trans. ’Here lies the body of Angus, son of Angus Macdonald of Islay’. Now in the Abbey Cloisters (no. 150).
68. G. Ceatharnach = ‘freebooter’.
69. Torloisk – senior branch of Clan Maclean, whose lands are located at Torloisk, NW Mull.
70. Maclean writes ‘Ailean nan Sohp was grand-uncle to the first Maclean of Torloisg, and flourished in the reign of James V…[His] tomb very appropriately represents his birlinn or galley, which carried him from island to island upon his raids’. (History of Clan Maclean, p.321)
71. ‘The tomb of Maclean of Coll is the handsomest on the island. The figure is boldly carved, and similar to many others, is in armor, and in the act of drawing his sword. It is accompanied by two angels, one with a sword, a griffin, and two intricate devices. Near to the right shoulder are the words Pius and Hi’ (Hist. Clan Maclean, p. 321). Signed by the sculpture, Mael-Seachlainn O Cuin. Now in the Abbey Museum.
72. ‘Maclean of Duard…appears in armor, a shield on his left shoulder, emblazoned with a winged dragon, a tower, and an ornamental border. In his belt is a long sword, and with his left hand he grasps a spear. Depending from his chin is a long beard. His feet rest upon a crouching greyhound. The inscription which formerly was upon his pillow is completely effaced.’ (Ibid., p. 321) Now in the Abbey Museum.
73. Next to Duard is…the tomb of Maclean of Lochbuie, or the celebrated Eoghan a chinn bhig, or Ewen of the Little Head, whose ghost is still believed to appear whenever a member of the Lochbuie family dies.’ (Ibid., p. 321)
74. Also mentioned by the author of ‘Iona in 1771’. Sharpe notes this is a new tradition with no antecedent in either Monro or Martin (p. 190).
75. Trans. ‘Here lies John Beaton, Physician of the family of the Macleans, who died 19th November 1651, aged 63. Donald Beaton erected this, 1674. Behold he saved so many others from ill,/ himself falls by the conquering dart of wicked death./ Glory to God Alone.’ (Hist of Clan Maclean, pp. 322-3). Inscription also recorded by Dr Walker; ‘the physician of the family of Maclean was always of the name of Beton. But it is thought that the person here buried was the doctor Beton, a man famous in his profession, who was on board the Florida…when she was blown up in the year 1588. He escaped unhurt, and lived several years after’. ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 146) See John Bannerman, The Beatons: A Medical Kindred in the Classical Gaelic Tradition, (Edinburgh, Birlinn, 1986), pp. 28-9, who dates John Beaton’s birth to 1594, noting that he had ‘succeeded to the position of principal physician to the Macleans of Duart and therefore also to the lands of Pennycross…probably by 1633’. Donald Beaton was his elder brother. Grave slab now in Abbey Cloisters.
76. Tr. ‘The Judgement-day stone’. Sachaverell: ‘These Globes are called the Day-of-Judgment stones, and the People were made to believe, that when they had worn the Sockets or Pedestals, by the continued motion of Passengers, that then the World should be at an end. These Globes the Synod ordered to be thrown into the Sea’. (Voyage to I-Columb-kill, p. 142). Also noted by the author of ‘Iona in 1771’ as ‘Clach Bhráth’, p. 189.
77. Sharpe proposes that, in the light of Sacheverell’s account, and the fact that these stones are unmentioned by Martin, Pococke et al, they ‘represent a new tradition, which Pennant recognised as such and which may have been refreshed more than once’. (Sharpe, p. 234).
78. ‘loose’
79. ‘same in kind’
80. ‘plunder, pillaging’
81. ‘premeditated’
82. ‘cattle’
83. ‘satisfy’, ‘pay compensation’.
84. King William I of Scotland ‘the Lion’ (c. 1142 –1214), reigned from 1165 to 1214.
85. See Plate XXII, Moses Griffith’s ‘Cathedral in Iona’.
86. ‘Stuart provided TP with somewhat rudimentary measurements of the abbey cathedral: ‘There are about 12 paces from the Church to the inner inclosure, and about 64 thence to the outward inclosure’ (31 Dec 1773, CT 0428). In his next letter (7th Jan 1774) he cautioned him that the measurements he had made of buildings etc on his previous visit to Iona in August 1769 ‘were only guessed at’. In contrast, on the 1772 visit with TP, ‘I was at the pains to measure them all, excepting the length and breadth of Reilig-Ourain which I hope you have marked down with accuracy in your own notes’. This indicates the importance of accurate measurements for TP and his party. Even Dr Johnson, no great fan of TP, apologising for his own ‘rude measures of the buildings’ on Iona, added: ‘Mr Pennant’s delineations, which are doubtless exact, have made my unskilful description less necessary’. (To the Hebrides, p. 381). In 1764 Walker estimated the south front of the Cathedral at 164 feet, the body of the church 60 feet, and the two cross aisles 30 feet by 18 within the walls. ('History of...Icolumbkill', pp. 134-5).
87. See Plate XXIII, ‘Inside of the Cathedral of Iona’.
88. See Plate XXIV IV, ‘Sculpture round the Capitals of two of the Pillars’. Capitals of South Choir Transept: ‘Heavy circular columns whose capitals are ringed with a variety of carved foliated ornament, fabulous animals and birds, and figural scrolls which include John the Baptist, the Virgin and Child enthroned among angels, and the Crucifixion’. (BOS Argyll and Bute, ‘Iona Abbey’ p. 515). The lower frieze here shows the slaughter of a cow in preparation for winter. The carvings are signed, about 1460, Donaldus O Brolchan, a member of an Irish stone-carving family, who also carved the MacDougall Cross that survives at Ardchattan Priory.
89. ‘The Antient Altar of the Church, one of the finest pieces of white Marble I ever saw; it is about 6 foot long, and 4 broad, curiously vein’d and polish’d, it is all yet entire, except one Corner, which has been broken by accident’ (‘Voyage to I-Columb-kill’, p. 132). See p. 285, where TP states that the altar is carved from marble quarried at Cill Chriosd, in Strath, Isle of Skye.
90. Sharpe writes that the altar ‘disappeared between 1760 and 1764’ (p. 228): ‘The common people break pieces off from it, which they affect to use as a Medicine for man or beast in most Disorders, and especially the flux’ (Pococke, Tours, p. 82). ‘It has since [Sacheverell] been gradually demolished and carried off; the vulgar in the Highlands being all desirous of having a bit of it as a relic of Columba, and from the superstitious persuasion that the possession of it preserves from shipwreck’ (Walker, 'History of...Icolumbkill' p. 136). It is a pity that TP added to the destruction.
91. See Plate XXIV 1 ‘Abbot Mackinnon’s Tomb’. Trans. ‘Here lies John Mackinnon, Abbot of Iona, who died in 1500, to whose soul may God be merciful. Amen’. Recorded by Walker, ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 137) ‘engraved in the old Gaelic character’; and the author of ‘Iona in 1771’. Sharpe notes that this inscription was drawn for Edward Lhwyd in 1699, and quoted by Martin and Campbell. ‘The mitred head of the Abbot rests on two pillows. Inside the mitre is a winged human figure, the symbol of St Matthew. On each side of the head are broken figures of angels. One is the Angel Gabriel. Between his wings is an eagle for John the Evangelist. John MacKinnon was Abbot of Iona from 1467 to around 1498. This effigy of is on the north side of the presbytery in the abbey church. The inscription is unfinished and bears the beginnings of a date 15--, suggesting the effigy was made before his death. See Trove.scot [external link]. Mackinnon was the last Benedictine Abbot of Iona.
92. ‘Kenneth Mackenzie, of the family of Kintail’. (L. Maclean, Historical account of Iona, 1833, p. 17)
93. See Plate XXIV, III ‘The Warrior’. ‘The tomb of Maclean of Ross…lies on the floor of the cathedral. It represents an armed knight, with his hunting dog at his feet, and by his side a whilk shell, the upper part of which is carried away. The custom of drinking out of shells was very common among the ancient Gaels’. (Maclean, History of the Clan Maclean, 1889) p.321) TP adds the fashionable allusion to Macpherson’s Fingal: an Epic (1762). See National Library of Scotland [external link].
94. This sentence beginining ‘All the tombs lie east to west’ omitted from 1776 edition.
95. Based on Martin, Description, p. 160: ‘There was a tribe here called Clan Vic n’Oster, from Ostarii; for they are said to have been porters’. He added ‘I found one only of this tribe living in the isle…all this little family is now extinct, except this one poor man’ (p. 161). The lineage had obviously struggled on for another 70 odd years. There is another, confused, version in Sacheverell. See Sharpe, ‘Iona in 1771’, p. 245.
96. ‘Then the King [i.e. Malduinus] crossed over to the island of Iona to inspect the tombs of his ancestors. There he saw an ancient tumbledown church, and, having collected the things needful for the construction of a new one, ordered it pulled down. A chapel was quickly begun at royal expense, and was finished before he departed this life, dedicated to Christ and Columba, and outfitted with uncommonly generous donations.' Boethius, History Bk 9, 81. Trans. with assistance from Luca Guariento, for source and alternative translation see The Philological Museum [external link] (via University of Birmingham).
97. From Stuart: ‘The beautiful red granite employed in building all these houses was taken from Nuns-island a small rocky island in the sound of I.’ (31 Dec 1773, CT 0428 [external link]).
98. Doras tràigh’. ‘RCAHMS, Iona, 143, found no structures corresponding to either of the antiquarian mentions of this feature’ (Sharpe, p. 247).
99. ‘In a field south of the Abbey are the fragmentary remains of a chapel dedicated to St Mary, which was built probably in the 13th century [probably]…intended in part for the use of pilgrims, for the cult of St Columba was popular until the 16th century’ (Ritchie, Iona, p. 113). Dr Walker and TP were the first visitors to mention it. See Trove.scot [external link].
100. Dr Walker ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 139-40) but making no mention of the ‘black stones’. The 13th century cloister was extensively restored in the 1950s by architect I. G. Lindsay, now used by members of the Iona Community.
101. Black Stones. The colour, location and number of the Black Stones varies considerably in visitors’ accounts. Martin writes ‘the black stones…are so called, not from their colour, for that is grey, but from the effects that tradition say ensued upon perjury, if anyone became guilty of it after swearing on these stones in the usual manner; for an oath made on them is decisive in all controversies’. (Description, p. 158). ‘Next to Columba’s tomb is the black stone of Jy (Leac du Jy). [...] It is now sunk in the earth, so that only a part of it can be seen’. (G. Leac Dhubh Idhe ‘Black Stone of I`’) (‘Iona in 1771’, p. 232). Johnson was told that the stone was ‘concealed’ in 1773, and Boswell was confused by the fact that the stone he was shown was grey, even if Martin makes it clear that ‘blackness’ was allegorical in meaning. But Boswell took an oath on it anyway, that he would help restore Sir Allan Maclean to his title and lands. (To the Hebrides, pp.381, 393).
102. i.e. St Columba’s grave.
103. See Dr Walker, who gives a later date: ‘we are informed that the abbey…was rebuilt, and consecrated to Christ and Columbus, by Malduinus king of Scotland, about the year 664’ ('History of...Icolumbkill', pp. 129-30). Walker cites Bishop Leslie, who in turn derives this from Boethius: ‘At the same time the priests and monks of Christ, all who were Scottish by name, lived in exile. A great part of them, having been carried to the Hebrides, established a holy monastery on the island of Iona, renowned down to our own age for the many people devoted to true piety there… Thereafter, over many centuries, this monastery grew in renown, although it had at first been founded from modest beginnings, through estates contributed and bestowed by the pious for its support, and through the gifts of many kings afterwards. A little later it became the common cemetery [burial place] of the kings of the Scots’. Boethius, Scotorum Historiae, Bk VI, 75. Trans. with assistance from Luca Guariento, for source and alternative translation see The Philological Museum [external link] (via University of Birmingham).
104. See p. 205 above.
105. Added to 1776 edition: ‘but they were in possession of a considerable number of churches and chapels in Galway, with large estates annexed, all of which were taken from them, and granted to the canons of Holyrood house by William I between the years 1172 and 1180’ [Sir James Dalrymple’s Coll. 271. 272.]
106. Tr. ‘The island is always accustomed to have an abbot priest as its head, to whose authority the whole prouincia and even the bishops themselves must be subject’. (B. Colgrave and R.A.B Mynors, eds. Bede’s Ecclesiastical History (Oxford, 1991), iii, 4.
107. ‘Many learned authors have told us positively, that Columba wore the episcopal mitre; but he was no more than a Presbyter. Had he been fond of a superior rank in the hierarchy, he might have easily gratified his ambition: but though he was confined within the narrow limits of the priestly office, his authority extendced much farther than that of the most exalted dignitaries of his time’. (Macpherson, Crit. Diss. p. 381). For obvious reasons, this was an interpretation favoured by Presbyterian polemicists like Macpherson.
108. Pococke (another Irish Protestant bishop) writes: ‘Usher observes, who cites the Annals of Ulster to prove that a Bishop always resided in Hy [Iona]; and Lloyd proves that Columba was ordained Bishop of Meath by Finlan, so that at first sight it seems as if Bede was mistaken in saying that their first Teacher was not a Bishop, and the Saxon Chronicle that there must be in Hy an Abbot and not a Bishop’. D.W. Kemp, editor of Pococke’s Tour, explains that ‘the confusion in Dr Pococke’s mind seems to have arisen from failing to recognise the distinction between a territorial and a non-territorial episcopacy, distinctions which have given rise to much controversy on Church government’. (Pococke, Tours, p. 79).
109. TP refers to Bede’s Eccles. Hist., Book III, chapter iv, see TP’s note to page 255 above. Markús, Conceiving a Nation, pp. 140-1 discusses this complex issue, concluding ‘It is now impossible to tell from the evidence available exactly what kind of unusual authority the abbot of Iona exercised in his prouincia’.
110. Bishop’s House, G. Tigh nan Easbuig: ‘the remains of the house that was the residence of the Bishop of the Isles; a simple, low building without any ornament’. (Walker, 'History of...Icolumbkill', p. 141). ‘The remains of 'The Bishop's House' stand in a field on the N side of Sruth a' Mhuilinn, some 30m NE of the most northerly building of the Abbey complex. Roofless but otherwise intact in the second half of the 18th century, when it was illustrated by Pennant and described by Dr Johnson, it had deteriorated to its present state by the middle of the 19th century’. See Trove.scot [external link].
111. The Hebridean Diocese of the Isles, also known as the Diocese of Suðreyar, or the Diocese of Sodor, was one of the dioceses of medieval Norway. After the Treaty of Perth (1266) the diocese became one of the 13 dioceses of Scotland, and the Bishopric of the Isles was relocated to Iona. TP follows Walker: ‘When the Isle of Man was reduced under the English government, the bishoprick of Sodor was preserved; but its limits being circumscribed to that single island, its bishops bore the united title of Sodor and Man. All the other Western Islands remaining under the Scottish government, were then erected into a separate diocese, called the bishoprick of the Isles. The bishop usually resided in Icolumbkill; and the great church belonging to the abbey, served as the cathedral of the diocese’. ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 132).
112. The Archbishopric of Trondhjem (Nidaros) in Norway. For Robert Keith's list of medieval and early modern Bishops of the Isles see An Historical Catalogue of the Scottish Bishops: Down to the Year 1688 (Edinburgh, 1824), pp. 293–310 (via HathiTrust.org [external link]).
113. See p. 255 above.
114. Monro, Western Islands, p. 322. ‘Mac-Gyllychallan of Raarsay’ (MacGilliechallum) was Macleod of Raasay. J. L. Campbell writes that ‘bit by bit the ownership of the bishopric of the Isles and the Abbey – the two were united in 1499 – became eroded, reduced to nominal rent unwillingly or not paid at all by de facto occupiers whose successors became accepted popularly as the actual owners of the land’, exemplified by MacGilliecallum. (Canna: The Story of a Hebridean Island (3rd ed. Edinburgh: Canongate, 1994), p. 32.
115. It being affirmed that the Cathedral of the Isle of Hy [Iona] being dedicated to our Saviour, in greek Soter, the See took its name from it Sotorensis and Sodorensis, and I have read or heard that this part of the island is or was called Sodor’. (Pococke, Tours, p. 79). In refuting the view of Pococke and others, TP is following Macpherson (see below) and Walker, who had noted that ‘there has been great diversity of opinion concerning the ancient Sodor, from which the bishops of the Isle of Man still derive their title. Some have thought it was the name of a town in the Isle of Man,so late as the 15th century’. (Walker, 'History of...Icolumbkill', p. 130)
116. Closely following Macpherson, Crit. Diss. pp. 282-3, who also cites the authority of Torfaeus. Dr Walker described the division into the ‘Nordureys and Sudereys’, the latter name which gave the title to the bishop of the Isles ‘Episcopus Sodorensis’. Walker continued: ‘the origin of the title of Sodor, which is clear from the Historical Collections of Torfaeus, the Danish historian, as is ingeniously observed by Dr Macpherson, is plain and intelligible: it was derived from no particular place, but from the principal district of the islands in general’. ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 131)
117. The Abbot’s Mount, first named in Gaelic as ‘Tur an Ab’ in ‘Iona in 1771’. Possibly the artificial structure named ‘Dun Ni Manaich’ mentioned by Martin (Description p. 158). ‘Excavation in 1957 was thought to have revealed the spot mentioned in Adomnán’s Life as Columba’s little hut [but by 1988]…the interpretation was already deemed ‘doubtful’. (Sharpe, pp. 233-4)
118. Described in detail by Walker ('History of...Icolumbkill', p. 115) and in ‘Iona in 1771’, which gives it the Gaelic name of ‘L’on Chuspar’. ‘This was a large pond about 6 or 7 hundred yards in circumference, almost of an oval figure, with a green walk through the middle of it, which must have been raised at a considerable expense. The pond is now drained, and has afforded turfs for fire, but the walk is still discernible. The name L’on Chuspar would seem to indicate that they practiced archery there’ (p. 189). Sharpe writes: ‘The interpretation of this mill-pond as landscape gardening is shared by Walker and our writer, where Pennant recognised its original character. But could a local guide have come up with such a notion?’ (p. 234).
119. Turbary is the legal right to cut turf or peat for fuel on a common or on another person's land, or a piece of land, where turf or peat may be dug for fuel. (OED)
120. From Stuart ‘A quern or hand-mill is kept in every family; but all the possessions are multured to a water miln in Mull’. (7th Jan 17714, CT 0429 [external link]). For an account of the Hebridean ‘quern or bra’ see p. 281 below.
121. First named as Cladh an Dìseirt (‘Burial place in the Desert’) in 1857 (Sharpe p. 248). ‘Two stones about seven feet high with a stone laid across at top…which they say were the first buildings St Columb erected here; but I rather take them to be the remains of a Druid temple, and the rather, [sic] as this isle was anciently called Inish Drunish, or the Isle of Druids’ (Pococke, Tours, p. 85). ‘Just beyond the NW end of this dyke there may be seen two massive granite gateposts flanking what has evidently been an entrance to the enclosure. These posts were formerly spanned by a correspondingly massive lintel, which was destroyed some time during the third quarter of the 19th century, and the structure was mistakenly identified by Pococke and Pennant as 'the remains of a Druid Temple' or 'an evident Cromleh'. See Trove.scot [external link].
122. ‘The monastic vallum, an earthwork enclosing the monastery…the most impressive structural element of the early monastery which is still visible today, particularly the stretch at the NW corner of the enclosure’. (Ritchie, Iona, pp. 36-7).
123. According to Boethius, Fergus II ‘enlisted in the service of King Alaric of the Goths… For he burned with the worst kind of hatred against the Romans, because they had either killed his ancestors together with the entire Scottish nation, or banished them from their ancestral homes and compelled [them] to live on foreign soil. They say that, in addition to certain sacred vessels and much precious moveable property, Fergus was allotted a certain chest filled full of books…and preserved them. Many years later, after his labours with the Goths in Italy had been completed, he carried it with him through Germany to the Hebrides; and on the island of Iona, after buildings had been erected for such illustrious monuments, as he believed them to be, he deposited them there together with the noble deeds of his people, having selected approved writers for the task and caused them to be reduced into books to be preserved forever.’ Boethius, Scotorum Historia, Bk VII, 8/9. Trans. with assistance from Luca Guariento, for source and alternative translation see The Philological Museum [external link] (via University of Birmingham).
124. Aeneus Sylvius Piccolomini (1405–1464), later Pope Pius II, was sent on a diplomatic mission to Scotland in 1435 whilst working for Cardinal Niccolò Albergati. The story of his search for the lost Livy texts from Iona appears in Hector Boece/Boethius’s Scotorum Historiae (1526), though according to David Rundle ‘the tale is implausible’: see ‘Heralds of Antiquity: Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini and the British "Thucydides"’, in Alison Frazier and Patrick Nold (eds), Essays in Renaissance Thought and Letters In Honor of John Monfasani (Leiden, 2015), pp. 23–35. King James I of Scotland was assassinated in 1437.
125. Books 11- 20 of Livy’s History of Rome are lost.
126. Footnote added here to the 1776 edition: ‘I am informed that numbers of the records of the Hebrides were preserved at Drontheim till they were destroyed by the great fire which happened in that city either in the last, or present century’. TP main text here condenses paragraphs translated from Boethius, VII, p. 114. ‘Tandem obtinuimus, ut antiqui codices quo quinque illic Romanis characteribus essent exarata ad nos fideli nuntio Aberdoniam deferrentur.…Quaedam codicum ac paucula fragmenta, quorum vix aliquod palmae superabat magnitudinem, dura et inflexibili pene membrana, mira arte ac diligentia, uti ex characterum elegantia facile dignoscitur conscripta, vetustate vel custodum potius incuria adeo erosa ut vix decimum quodque verbum legere possis, recepi. Verum, sive ii libri quorum ea caeteris partibus consumptis sunt fragmenta illic aut in Albione sint scripti, sive peregrinis ex locis illuc delati (neutrum enim perspicue cognitum habemus) Romano more, Romanis de rebus conscripti, uno omnium qui ea viderunt iudicio, Sallustianum potius quam Livianum redolere eloquentiam censentur.' [Tr. 'I managed to have five ancient codices written in Roman letters brought to me at Aberdeen by a reliable messenger. And so in the year of Christ 1520 certain very ancient codices, together with a few scraps, of which scarcely any was larger than the palm of my hand, written with wonderful art and diligence on hard and almost inflexibly stiff parchment (as was readily evident from the letters with which they were written), but so damaged by time, or more likely the negligence of their custodians, that barely one word in ten was legible. Whether those fragmentary books were written in Albion or brought there from foreign parts (which I cannot ascertain), all men who have seen them agree that they are written about Roman things in a Roman way, and are thought to be in a style more characteristic of Sallust than Livy.’]. Trans. with assistance from Luca Guariento, for source text and alternative translation see The Philological Museum [external link] (via University of Birmingham).
127. ‘The registers and records of this Ile was all written on Parchmen but all destroyed by that Assembly that destroyed the crosses’ (‘Iona in 1693, p. 217). ‘The Learning of Ages, which had been treasured up in this little Island, the Record of Nations, and the valuable Archives of remote Antiquity, which had been safe under the fury of Barbarians; fell at once a Sacrifice to an ill judged Decree of the Sinod of Argyll. Authorised by this, the zealous Mob at the Time of the Reformation, fell upon Iona…’ (Walker, Report, p. 142).
128. ‘In this island once famed as the seat of letters and much religion, now darkness, superstition and ignorance reign’. (Stuart, CT 0428 [external link])
129. Kidney-shaped stones. ‘In a particular place of the Iland neer the sea ebbing and flowing therinto is found transparent stons of all collours but more ordinarily green, much resembling agatts, they yield to the file and toole and I have severall seals of them’. (‘A Short Description of I. or Iona 1693’, p. 217)
130. Purple Iona marble.
131. Named for city of Zöblitz in Germany, renowned for the working of serpentine stone, most commonly found in tones of black with a slight green cast and dark green varieties, and systematically with inclusions of garnet crystals (pyrope) which after a natural decomposition process are no longer of red colour. From wafer-thin to thicker lines, the lighter veins embedded in Zöblitz serpentine comes mainly from the mineral chrysotile. See Sothebys.com [external link].
132. TP refers to the adjacent bay, Port an Fhir-bhréige, with its ‘extraordinary group of cairns on the raised beach. There are about fifty of them, mostly ranging in diameter from one to three metres and less than 0.5m high. Two are distinctly larger, about 6m across and 1.6m high, and these are each surrounded by shallow ditches. They are all built of pebbles from the beach, and its seems unlikely that they are burial cairns. According to tradition recorded from the 18th century onwards, they were built as penance by monks, but Ian Fisher has suggested that they may have been created gradually by pilgrims in medieval times’. (Ritchie, Iona, pp. 25-6). Sharpe proposes that TP’s ‘penance’ interpretation, ‘lacking any plausibility in monastic life or insular hagiography’, ‘seems more like a guide’s response to a troublesome question than a window on to older tradition’. (p. 228).
133. Cnoc nan Aingeal, ‘Hill of the Angels’, known locally as An Sithean Mòr, ‘the big fairy mound’, situated on the machair in the centre of Iona. Sharpe indicates that Adomnán twice refers to ‘collicululs angelorum’, ‘the little hill of angels’ (Life, II 44, III, 16) though its actual location is not indicated in his text. It is tempting to infer that the landscape was already being interpreted in the light of Adomnán text before 1760’. (‘Iona in 1771’ p. 240)
134. ‘I went to the south west part of the island’ [on his way to Port a’ Churaich], ‘and in half a mile passed by a fine small green hill, called Angel Hill, where they bring their horses on the day of St Michael and All Angels, and run races round it; it is probable this custom took its rise from bringing the Cattle at that season to be blessed, as they do now at Rome on a certain day of the year’. (Pococke, Tours, p. 86).
135. Custom known as the Michaelmas ‘riding day’ (G. latha na marchachd), describe by TP in more detail as witnessed on Canna, p. 273 below and note. TP’s theory of its origin here follows Pococke.
136. Here 1790 inserts a paragraph describing basaltic columns on Ulva and Loch Scridain, derived from Abraham Mill’s 1788 article in Phil Trans Vol. 80, p. 73, tab. iv, also referenced in 1790’s additional material on the Paps of Jura.
137. This is certainly true of Dorrit’s 1750 map, but remedied on TP’s map of 1777. See Curious Travellers Maps [external link].
138. Joseph Banks’ account of Staffa that follows was not in fact the first to appear in print, as brief articles describing the ‘discovery’ of the island were published in the Scots Magazine xxxiv, (1772), p. 637, and (effectively a reprint) in the Gentleman’s Magazine xlii (1772), dated Thurs 19 Nov 1772. Banks’s travelling companion Uno Von Troil also published a description in the Swedish newspapers. (Donald B. MacCulloch, Staffa (4th rev ed., London and Vancouver: David & Charles, 1975), pp. 12-13.
139. See Plate XXVII ‘View of the Erect Columns near the Shag’s Cave on the Island of Staffa, taken from the sea’.
140. See Plate XXVI ‘Staffa’ which represents the coastal profile of Staffa’s ‘eastern side’ described here.
141. Captain of TP’s vessel the Lady Frederick Campbell, who was alarmed by the coastal surge around the island.
142. Swift, Gulliver’s Travels, ‘Voyage to Laputa’ chapter 9, 239: the ‘Luggnagg’ phrase ‘Flute drin yalerick dwuldom prastrad mirpush…properly signifies, 'My tongue is in the mouth of my friend’. Thanks to Mary-Ann Constantine for tracking this down. TP cut this Swiftian tribute to Banks in the 1776 edition: ‘’But it is a great consolation to me, that I am able to lay before the public a most accurate account communicated to me through the friendship of Mr Banks’ (Tour 72, Pt 1, 2nd edition, p. 299). The 1790 edition adds, after naming Banks, ‘who on August 12th of this summer visited these parts on his interesting voyage to Iceland’ (p. 300).
143. Little is known about ‘Mr Leach’ – but Thomas Garnett describes him as ‘a native of Ireland’ who had discovered Staffa on a fishing trip earlier in 1772, and later accompanied Banks and his party to explore it. Observations on a Tour through the Highlands and Parts of the Western Isles of Scotland, particularly Staffa and Icolmkill, 2 vol., (London, 1800), I, 229.144
144.
145. Staffa is indeed ‘on the way to the Columb-kill’ (Iona) by boat from Drimnin.
146. Tobermory, Mull (G. Tobar Mhoire) in 1772 still a small anchorage, as the modern town was only founded in 1788 by the British Fisheries Society. In his letter to Falconer (12 Jan 1773) Banks described how he and his party rowed 40 miles in a flat calm, only reaching the island at 10pm in the semi-darkness. At the end of the same letter, he notes that they spent 12 hours on Staffa before proceeding to Iona. (Agnarsdóttir, p.171, 173).
147. The journal of Banks’s servant James Roberts lists the names of the party of twelve who visited Staffa: in addition to Charles Maclean and Mr Leach, ‘Mr Banks, Dr Solander, Dr Lind, Mr Troil, Mr Gore, the two Mr Millers, Mr Clevely [the three artists] Mr Briscoe and myself’ [the two servants]. ‘The Iceland Journal of James Roberts’, Agnarsdóttir, pp. 115-140, p. 124).
148. ‘One family consisting of seven people living in a miserable highland house without a chimney according to the custom of the country’. (Banks to Falconer, 12 Jan 1773, Agnarsdóttir 172). Faujais St-Fond, visiting a decade later in 1784, reported ‘two families, who lived apart in two huts, constructed of unhewn blocks of basaltes, roofed over with sods, and who amounted, men, women, and children, to the number of sixteen’ (II, 40) situated on ‘a level spot on the highest part of the island’ (Faujais St-Fond, Travels in England, Scotland, and the Hebrides…and the Cave of Fingal, 2 vols. (London, 1799) II, 40II, 31). After the eldest women of the group had welcomed the French traveller and his party with a libation of milk ‘in a large wooden bowl’ circulated deisel (clockwise, according to Gaelic custom), two of the residents were ‘appointed as guides to accompany us to the cave of Fingal’ (II, 32). An entry in the local Parish Register for 6th Jan 1782 states: ‘Archd. MacArthur in Staffa and Mary Lamont had their lawful daughter Christian baptised’ (MacCulloch, Staffa, p. 129): in all probability MacArthur’s was one of the families mentioned by St-Fond, and possibly also the couple who played host to Banks in 1772. Some more light is cast on Staffa’s tenant, his family, and their language in a final passage cut from TP’s extract: important because the local inhabitants provided Banks with the name of Fingal’s (and other) caves – see note to page 269 below. Staffa ‘ceased to be inhabited permanently a few years before 1798, though for about 10 years…it continued to be inhabited by herdsmen each year from early spring to late autumn’. (MacCulloch, p. 133)
149. TP omits the following paragraph from Banks’s Journal describing the sleeping conditions of the nine members of his party on Staffa, five sharing the tent, and the four others, including Solander, bedding down in the ‘smoky’ tenant’s house, despite their fear of lice. (Agnarsdóttir, pp. 67-8).
150. Plate XXVII ‘View of the ERECT COLUMNS near the SHAG’S CAVE on the Island of STAFFA, Taken from the Sea’. Compare a 20th century description: ‘The Fingal’s Cave lava – that is, the principal flow forming Staffa – is generally divisible into a lower zone of massive regular columns, a middle zone of narrow, close-spaced, wavy columns, and a top zone largely of slag…the massive and straight columns, forming the lower zone, have developed through comparatively slow regular cooling of the lower surface of the lava’. (MacCulloch, p. 60). Note Banks’s use of architectural language here in describing the island’s geomorphology: ‘pillars’, ‘colonnades’, ‘columns’, ‘pediments’, preparing for the architectural metaphor in the following paragraph.
151. The long-lived Lachlan MacQuarrie, indebted 16th Laird of Ulva (c.1715-1818), who entertained Dr Johnson on Ulva in 1773. Although widely assumed to be the proprietor of Staffa, in fact MacQuarrie (who claimed that his ancestors had owned the island for c. 900 years) had made Staffa over to his cousin Hector MacQuarrie of Ormaig in 1761. His Ulva estate was put up for sale in 1777, including Staffa (for an unknown reason) and purchased by Capt Dugald Campbell of Auchnabaw, eventually passing in 1800 to Reginald Macdonald, who capitalised on the island’s tourist celebrity in the romantic period as ‘Laird of Staffa’, welcoming many visitors including his friend Sir Walter Scott. (MacCulloch, pp. 31-34; Leask, Stepping Westward, 221-29, 276).
152. Acanthus: ‘A conventionalized representation of the spiny decorative leaf of Acanthus spinosus, used in architecture in the decoration of Corinthian and Composite capitals… This representation is said to have been modelled after the plant by the Greek sculptor Callimachus of the second half of the 5th cent. B. C.’ (OED)
153. Faujais St-Fond, quoting his friend Banks’s sublime description of Staffa, noted ‘those who are acquainted with the character of this illustrious naturalist, will not be apt to accuse him of being liable to be hurried away by the force of a too ardent imagination; but the sensation which he felt at the view of this magnificent scene was such, that it was impossible to escape a degree of just enthusiasm’ (Travels, II, 42). Compare Uno Von Troil’s description: ‘How splendid do the porticos of the ancients appear in our eyes…But when we behold the cave of Fingal, formed by nature, in the isle of Staffa, it is no longer possible to make a comparison, and we are forced to acknowledge that this piece of architecture, executed by nature, far surpasses that of the Louvre, that of St Peter’s at Rome, and even what remains of Palmira and Paestum, and all that the genius, the taste, and the luxury of the Greeks, were ever capable of inventing’. (Qu. St-Fond, II, 44). See Alison Ksiazkiewicz, ‘Geological Landscape as Antiquarian Ruin: Banks, Pennant and the Isle of Staffa’, in Constantine and Leask, eds., Enlightenment Travel and British Identities, pp.183-201. Ksiazkiewicz notes that Banks’s Staffa ‘could be better understood as an antiquarian object of study, one which resonates well with the overlapping interests of naturalists and antiquarians’, especially give its placing in Tour 1772 ‘between antiquarian descriptions of Iona’s Gothic cathedral and Cairn na Burgh More’s ancient fortress’ (p. 183).
154. See Plate XXVIII, ‘Fingal’s Cave in Staffa’, engraved by Mazell from a drawing by James Miller. Anne Macleod notes that ‘by manipulating the vertical columns which line the cave into smooth pillars, heightening the roof, and shifting the island land mass to extend behind rather than alongside the cave, [the artist] created a visual echo of Banks’s eulogy to its cathedral-like structure’. (From an Antique Land, p. 139). Commenting on the representation of Banks’s party exploring and measuring the cave, Ksiazkiewicz claims a ‘seated female figure’ among them, suggesting that ‘one of Staffa’s inhabitants accompanied the expedition party during their fieldwork’ (‘Geological Landscape’ p. 193). See OldWaysNewRoads.co.uk [external link].
155. In the 1776 edition ‘Fiuhn’ is changed to ‘Fhinn’. Banks has: ‘We askd the name of it. Ouwa Eehn said our guide the Cave of Fiuhn. What is Fuihn [sic] said we. Fuihn Mac Coul whom the translator of Ossian’s works has called Fingal’. (Agnasdóttir, p. 69). ‘Our guide’ here must refer to the Gaelic-speaking tenant of Staffa, with the bilingual Charles Maclean of Drimnin acting as Banks’s interpreter: the journal records the Gaelic pronunciation of the genitive form Uamh Fhinn or ‘the Cave of Fionn’: given that TP omits the cave’s Gaelic name, giving only a translation, it wouldn’t have been available subsequent visitors. The interpretation of the Gaelic toponym has stoked controversy ever since. On 24th Nov 1773 John MacQuarrie of Ormaig (also a Gaelic-speaking local man) wrote to his cousin Murdoch Maclean in Edinburgh commenting on the reports of Banks’s visit to Staffa recently published in the press: ‘Here I beg leave to observe that Mr Banks’s interpreter has either misapplied or misunderstood the name of this cave, since in the Gaelic language it is called Ua Bhin, which signifies sweet or melodious; which name seems more proper, from its excellent echo’. (Quoted in MacCulloch, p. 18). Saint-Fond, on the independent authority of his Gaelic-speaking travelling companion Capt Macdonald of Skye concurred: ‘the true name of the cave is an-ua-vine. An, the; ua, grotto, cave, cavern; vine, melodious. The name of Fingal in the same language is spelt and pronounced Fion in the nominative. But the Earse nouns are declinable, and the genitive of Fingal is Fine; so that if one wished to express the cave of Fingal in the Earse language, he would write ua-an-fine.’ (Travels, II, 50-51). Visiting in 1774, Gaelic scholar James Maclagan gave both forms: ‘we came to a cave called Uai veen, or uaïve Fhinn (pronounced Inn) the first signifying the melodious cave, & the second Feann’s (i.e. Fingals) cave’, MS ‘Tour of the Hebrides’, Dundee City Archive: GD/We/6/4 p. 22. Although ‘Uamh Bhinn’ has achieved official recognition (e.g. the Bòrd na Gàidhlig ‘Learn Gaelic’ Dictionary), it’s clear that Banks didn’t hear ‘Uamh Bhinn’, pronounced with an initial ‘v’ sound, but rather in the lenited form ‘Fhinn/Eehn’. Having recently kept wordbooks of Polynesian languages on his Endeavour voyage in the Pacific, he was experienced at phonetic transcription. I conclude therefore that Banks’s local guide informed him that the name was ‘Fingal’s Cave’. TP had already described the ‘Cave of Fin-mac-Cuil, or Fingal’ at Drumadoon, on Arran, (now known as ‘King’s Cave’) which has a better claim to the title in Fenian tradition (see pp. 181-2 above). But whatever the true name, Staffa’s great cave continues to be known as ‘Fingal’s Cave’, in part due to the creative interpretations of artists like J.W. Turner and composers like F. Mendelssohn.
156. Port an Fhasgaidh (‘shelter bay’).
157. See Plate XXX ‘Bending Pillars on Staffa’.
158. Either Cormorant’s [Shag’s] Cave, or Mackinnon’s Cave, if the observer is rowing south from Port an Fhasgaidh around the SW of the island. See Plate XXVII ‘View of the Erect Columns near the Shag’s Cave on the Island of Staffa, Taken from the Sea’.
159. TP’s note, not in Banks’s journal. TP has visited the Giant’s Causeway on his Irish Tour of 1754 but hadn’t of course been able to land on Staffa to see the columns close-up. See Constantine, 'Thomas Pennant in Ireland [external link]'
160. Compare TP’s with a modern explanation: ‘the more rapid cooling and solidification of the upper zones cause the centres of contraction to be less regularly disposed, which resulted in smaller, wavy, and less symmetrical columns’. (MacCulloch, p. 65).
161. NB addition made to 1776 edition: ‘Over against this place is a small island, called in Erse, Boo-sha-la or more properly Buachaille, or the herdsman’ (p. 303). Banks has ‘Booshala’. ‘Over against this place’ must refer to the (otherwise confusing) jump to the SE coast of Staffa, the location of ‘Am Buachaille’ or ‘The Herdsman’ (see next note)
162. Am Buachaille (‘The Herdsman’) is situated near the modern boat landing place near Clamshell Cave. Plate XXIX ‘View of Boohala from the Cliff above it’ and Plate XXXI ‘Isle of Boo-sha-la & Bending Pilllars opposite it’, engraved from drawing by John Cleveley: see OldWaysNewRoads.co.uk [external link].
163. Banks here describes the small island of ‘Boo-sha-la’, not Staffa as a whole.
164. ‘and their surfaces smooth’ tidying up Banks’s ‘in general they are smooth on all their surfaces’.
165. ‘Boo-sha-la’ added for clarity.
166. The pillars described and measured here are now known as ‘the Bending Columns’.
167. ‘The Causeway’, connecting the landing place at Clamshell Cave to Fingal’s Cave.
168. Banks has ‘fissures’, which seems more precise than TP’s ‘figures’ and again further down the paragraph.
169. Banks has ‘perpendicular ones’.
170. In mineralogy, ‘spar’ is a ‘general term for a number of crystalline minerals more or less lustrous in appearance and admitting of easy cleavage.’ (OED).
171. Again Banks has ‘fissures’.
172. Omitting Banks’s ‘before’.
173. Banks has ‘Depth’.
174. Banks has ‘107’, which is correct (see next table).
175. For a table comparing different measurements of Fingal’s Cave by Banks, Saint-Fond, De Saussure, and Dr John Macculloch (the latter being regarded as the most reliable), see MacCulloch, Staffa p. 95. Banks’s measurement of the height of Fingal’s Cave here at 117 feet exceeds those of Saint-Fond and Macculloch, which Donald MacCulloch explains on the grounds that it ‘is equal almost to the height from the sea bed of the cave to the top of the cliff over the cave entrance’ (p. 86). Of course Banks’ measurements represented here by John Macculloch (and all the other observers) were derived from those printed in TP’s text, which as noted above misprints the cave’s height as being ‘117’ rather than ‘107 feet’.
176. Tom Furniss notes that notwithstanding this mention of lava, ‘which would imply that volcanic action had played some part in the formation of Fingal’s Cave, [Banks] does note develop that suggestion, despite the fact that his account of Iceland in his journal reveals his expertise in the analysis of volcanic phenomena. Banks and Pennant both note that Staffa’s pillars are formed of basalt, but neither of them consider questions of causation or history, perhaps because the origin and nature of basalt remained in dispute in the early 1770’. (Discovering the Footsteps of Time, p. 117). Banks’s servant James Roberts is more forthcoming: the pillars ‘are supposed to have been produced by firey Irruptions from the Bowels of the Earth, how many years ago it is impossible to guess however this was’. (‘Journal’, in Agnasdóttir, p.125). Banks’s correspondent Thomas Falconer (TP’s brother-in-law) interpreted Staffa’s pillars as formed by crystallization, rather than by volcanic action: ‘it is certain that fossil substances will form themselves exactly like salts’. (Falconer to Banks, 16 Jan 1773, in Agnarsdóttir, p. 174).
177. Banks gives a meticulous account of the methods employed in measuring the cave, in line with the empirical protocols of 18th century antiquarian and natural historical knowledge-making. Plate XXVIII ‘Fingal’s Cave in Staffa’ shows the party at work measuring the cave: notice the tiny boat that has entered to its deepest point. In his letter to Falconer of 12 Jan 1773 Banks mentions that ‘underneath [the pillars] is water on which a boat may go quite to the farther end by means of which light is reflected so strong that at the farther extremity we could easily read a common printed book’. (Agnasdóttir, p. 172). In 1928 an inscription reading ‘J.B., 1772’ was discovered cut into a column at the very deepest end of Fingal’s Cave, two inches high and considerably weathered. Did Banks carve his initials in Fingal’s Cave? (MacCulloch, p. 16).
178. TP cuts ‘made upon it’.
179. TP introduces a paragraph break here, separating Banks’s ‘in the Cave No. 1’.
180. Banks had two sentences: ‘foot of the first pillar. In the book above no, 1 Gave 36 feet 8 inches’…
181. Banks has ‘the hight’.
182. Banks has ‘107’ which is correct the correct sum of the first three measurements. This remained uncorrected in 1790 ed.
183. TP’s ’columnar’ rewrites Banks’s original phasing: ‘the stones can only be said to have an inclination to form into those shapes in others…’
184. TP fails to correct Banks’s error confusing ‘North’ and ‘South’: on p. 260 he has noted that ‘the greatest height [of columns] was at the Southern point of the island’.
185. Uabh na Sgarbh or Cormorants’ Cave, also known as ‘Scart Cave’ from G. ‘sgarbh’ (cormorant). Banks has ‘Oua na Scaroe or the Cormorants Cave’. A narrow tunnel connects it with the cave later known as ‘Mackinnon’s Cave’, not mentioned here. (MacCulloch, Staffa, p. 76).
186. Again, Banks’ error for SW.
187. The bay of Port an Fhasgaidh: its local name is Port nam Faochag (‘Haven of the Whelks’). From here, ‘a little valley, or hollow…crosses the island at an oblique angle’ (McCulloch, p. 78).
188. ‘The rock of which Staffa is composed is a dark greyish-black, fine-grained basalt, which becomes a rusty brown on weathering, but decomposes no further’ (MacCulloch, p. 52).
189. ‘It should be remembered that the columnar rock structure appears to advantage at Staffa and the Giant’s Causeway because the former is an island and the latter a sea-coast promontory…the ceaseless pounding by the waves has removed material which might have hidden their most perfect parts had they been situated inland, and has given them a clean-cut appearance’. (MacCulloch, p. 67).
190. TP’s additions to 1776: ‘[Staffa] is a Norwegian word; and most properly bestowed, on account of the singular appearance of this isle; Staffa being derived from Staf, a staff, prop, or figuratively a column’.
191. TP here ends his transcription of Banks’s journal, omitting the final paragraph: ‘About 4 O’Clock our drawings & measurements of the Pillars were finishd & having resolvd to proceed to y Columb Kill that night we hasted to the tent in order to get our dinner. The Gentlemen who had Slept in the house last night had during the morning become sensible that they were attended by some Guests whose Company they did not much approve. They therefore complaind to the woman of the house. With some peivishness [sic] the man who overheard answerd in Earse with a great deal of Sang Froid lice indeed if they have any lice they certainly brought them here for I am sure there were none upon the Island when they came. Pleasd at his presence of mind we took leave having satisfied him for the Potatos fish & milk which notwithstanding his poverty he has supplied us with during our stay with the utmost hospitality & which with the wild Pigeons & shags we shot had supplyd us with the greatest part of our Diet. At 5 we embarked & arrived before 8 at Iona or Y Colum Kille…’ (Agnasdóttir, pp. 72-3). Banks’s servant James Roberts mentions that before departing the party ‘got several Specimens of these curious rocks and Pillars into the Boat, and at Six in the Evening left the Island and Steer’d for Columb-kill’. (Agnasdóttir, p. 125).
192. For a coastal profile view of these islands, see Plate XXVI.
193. Thracian or Liberty Cap, a soft conical cap associated with the Phrygians of antiquity. Later, in the French Revolution, it would become associated with political liberty, because often worn by freed slaves.
194. (1) At the bottom of the print of the rocks of Cannay,195 is a very singular view of Lunga, and the Dutchman's cap, as they appeared about eight or nine miles distant, the first S. S. by W. the last S. W. by S.
195. TP appears to have confused Plate XXXII ‘View in Cannay’, with Plate XXVI, the bottom half of which represents coastal profiles of Staffa and the Treshnish Islands.
196. ‘When the Lord of the Isles acquired the Treshnish Isles in 1354 they were on the frontier between the Nordreys and Sudreys – the Northern and Southern Isles’. (Haswell-Smith, Scottish Islands, p. 88).
197. ‘Jon Dungadi ‘or Eóghan MacDubhghaill (Ewan MacDougall, Ewan of Argyll or Ewan of Lorne)
198. Monro gives ‘Kerniborg’ (Western Islands p. 317) and ‘Biarnburgh’ is from Torfaeus, TP’s Scandinavian source. On 39 Jan 1774 TP requested information on ‘the little isle of Carnbergh from Paton’ (CT 0151 [external link]).
199. This sentence is replaced in the 1776 edition with: ‘This isle is reported by a very sensible writer to be well adapted for the culture of tobacco’. [Accompt current between England and Scotland, by John Spruel]. TP’s sole reference to Dr Johnson’s journey to the Hebrides, a slighting reference to the latter’s Scotophobic definition of oat-eating, was therefore withdrawn in most editions of the Tour 1772. It refers to the episode in October 1773 where Johnson and Boswell were storm-bound on Coll, as guests of ‘Young Coll’, son of the absentee Maclean Laird. TP couldn’t of course have read Johnson’s Journey to the Western Islands when he wrote this, as its publication postdated Tour 72 Part 1. But as Ronald Black points out (To the Hebrides, p. 544, n. 675) ‘accounts of Johnson and Boswell’s tour…were appearing in the newspapers while TP was writing his tour of 1772. The Edinburgh Evening Courant, for example, reported on 13 Nov 1773 that ‘they were confined by stormy weather for 13 days to a barren island where they could get nothing but oat meal’. This was a gleeful reflection of Johnson’s celebrated definition of oats in his Dictionary’: ‘a Grain, which in England is generally given to horses, but in Scotland supports the people’. In fact Johnson praised Young Coll’s agricultural improvements and introduction of turnip husbandry to the island. TP’s dig at Dr Johnson in this passage may have elicited a retaliatory move from Johnson (one of only two mentions of TP in the book), in his account of Coll: ‘We were at Col under the protection of the young Laird, without any of the distresses, which Mr Pennant, in a fit of simple credulity, seems to think almost worthy of an elegy of Ossian’. (To the Hebrides, p. 299). I have suggested that this is a reference to TP’s critique of Highland landownership in his ‘Vision at Ardmaddy’ which Johnson just had time to read in May-June 1774, before delivering the MS of the Journey to his London publishers. (Stepping Westward, p. 158) On 3 Feb 1775, TP informed Paton that he’d read some extracts from ‘Johnson’s voyage’ including ‘a fling at me I do declare I do not understand’, and requesting Paton to send him cuttings from Scottish press reviews of the book. He continued ‘I am pleased with the remarks on Johnson but shall not make use of them; nor shall I once mention him; for really he is not worth notice’. (CT 0180 [external link]).
200. Unidentified, maybe Rubh’ a’ Chaoil or Treshnish Point, although the Small Isles would be more visible from Mull’s Caliach Point to the north of Calgary Bay.
201. At 75.35 square kilometres (337.97 sq mi), Mull is the second largest island in the Inner Hebrides (after Skye) and the fourth-largest island in Scotland.
202. The 'small whales' named here as 'Pòllacks' by TP are difficult to identify with certainty. In Gaelic, 'Pollach' means 'cod' and 'Pollag' is 'coalfish or pollock', both far too small to be mistaken for a whale. Whale species like the enticingly named 'Sei Whale' or 'Pollack Whale' (Balaenoptera borealis), on the other hand, though present in Hebridean waters—see F. Fraser Darling, Natural History of the Highlands and Islands (London: Collins, 1947), pp. 177-8—are much bigger than what TP describes (see 'Sei Whale', Whale and Dolphin Conservation [external link]). An entry in the Scots National Dictionary, Vol. VII (1968/76) [external link] assumes that Pennant erroneously applied 'Pòllack' to the porpoise, with reference to the similar-sounding Scots word for porpoise 'pellock' (borrowed into Gaelic as 'péileag'). However, later in Tour 72 TP reports that 'whales, pollacks and porpesses' (p. 323) predate on local herring shoals, so he seems not to have confused these species entirely. It is possible, therefore, that Pennant is using the word to refer to something like Risso's Dolphin (Grampus griseus), which is found in the waters around Canna (see Campbell, Canna, p. 262) and grows to the requisite size of 'about ten feet' (up to 4 meters [13 feet] in length, according to Nature.scot [external link]).
203. ‘Canna is a very pleasant and fertile small Island with a fine Harbour: much frequented by Ships which pass through the Hebrides’ (Dr John Walker, Report on the Hebrides, p. 229).
204. TP describes one of the seasonal famines that frequently afflicted Canna for reasons he explained in the following paragraph, but also a result of a recent extreme weather event, a disease affecting cattle in 1771, the island’s high population, isolation, and unimproved agriculture: as Walker put it in 1764, ‘there is no Species of Industry carried on, either in this, or the three adjacent islands of Rum, Eig and Muck, so that the People are idle to the Last Degree’. (Report, p. 229). See Robert A. Dodgson, ‘Coping with Risk’: Subsistence Crises in the Scottish Highlands and Islands, 1600-1800’, Rural History, 15, 1 (2004), 1-25, 7: ‘many communities in some Highland areas were reportedly affected by a shortfall of meal virtually every summer during the months immediately prior to harvest, a shortfall sufficient to cause hardship but not famine, at least in a normal year’. This was exacerbated by the ‘Year of the Black Spring’ of 1771 (see note below). Matters seemed to have improved somewhat in the following decade under the auspices of Hector MacNeil, the island’s Tacksman from 1781, who paid rent to the owner, the indebted Macdonald of Clanranald. In 1788 Lord Mount Stuart reported that ‘the annual temporary famine proclaimed by Pennant exists no more, kelp and fishing has introduced a sort of intimacy with the mainland that never more will be lost sight of’. (Quoted in Campbell, Canna, p. 124). This was however not a sustainable improvement, and unfortunately plans to build a British Fisheries Society station on Canna were scotched by Clanranald, who had his eyes on profits from the kelp industry. (See Campbell, pp. 118-31).
205. The inefficacy of TP’s ‘rubbans’ (ribbons) for relieving famine was noted by subsequent visitors. Mount Stuart wrote ‘the number of souls amounts to 320- the oldest 86 – they are all fishers and of course fish hooks become a valuable present which together with tobacco, not less in esteem, we took care to bestow’. (Ibid., p. 123)
206. Added to 1776 edition: ‘The Turks erect caravanseras. Christians of different opinions concur in establishing hospitia among the dreary Alps, for the reception of travellers. I could wish that public bounty, or private charity, would found in fit parts of the isles or mainland, magazines of meal, as preservatives against famine in these distant parts’.
207. ‘In the year Seventy-one they had a severe season, remembered by the name of the Black Spring, from which the island [Skye] has never recovered. The snow lay upon the ground, a calamity hardly known before’ (Dr Johnson, To the Hebrides, p. 179). Black comments ‘the ‘Year of the Black Spring (Bliadhna an Earraich Dhuibh) became proverbial in Gaelic for its severity’ (ibid., p. 507).
208. Tr. ‘safe harbour’.
209. Lord Mount Stuart explained in 1788 that the absence of sheep was due to the fact that there had been ‘so many disputes…when flocks were kept up that the under tenants unanimously joined in a petition to the Tacksman to take them away’. Only a few were kept by Mrs MacNeil ‘from these wool sufficient is usually obtained for making the plaid, hose etc. that may be wanted for the family; for no stock of sheep is seen anywhere amongst the Hebrides’ (quoted in Campbell, Canna, p. 122-3).
210. A Michaelmas cavalcade like that mentioned by TP at Cnoc nan Aingeal on Iona, as described to him by Bishop Pococke (p. 259). According to J. G. Campbell, this was ‘known in the Roman Catholic districts of the Highlands as ‘the riding day’ (lath na marchadh). On the level green of Borg (machaire Bhorg) in Barra a great race is held, the women bringing the horses and sitting behind the men on horseback. In the scamper that ensues, it is a lucky sign if the woman tumbles off. All the expenses of the festivity are borne by the women, each of whom takes with her to the racecourse a large thick Bannock of oatmeal, made with treacle, butter, etc.’ Ronald Black’s note points out that the Michaelmas Bannock was known as the ‘srùdhan’. (The Gaelic Otherworld, pp. 558, 598 n. 162). In 1788 Lord Mount Stuart recorded that the Michaelmas Riding had been abolished by Hector MacNeil who considered that ‘a fine day lost perhaps in the middle of harvest was not to be counterbalanced by superstition [and] forbad his servants to attend’. (Campbell, p. 124).
211. In the 1794 SAS, Rev Donald Maclean, minister of the Small Isles, estimated the population of Canna at 304, ‘increased from 233 as numbered by his predecessor Rev. MacAskill in 1768. Early marriage was the cause of this kind of increase in the Small Isles, leading to the subdivision of holdings (sometimes a very small portion of a farm) with consequent poverty’. (Campbell, p. 136).
212. ‘There are several Cod Banks within reach of the Island, but the Inhabitants never fish but to supply themselves’ (Walker, Report, p. 229). For TP’s account of herring busses and the government bounty, see page 319 below. Campbell describes the abortive attempt by the British Fisheries Society to establish a fishing station on Canna in 1788 (pp. 119-31).
213. TP here describes ‘the method practised by the fishermen of Scarborough, as it was communicated to us by Mr Travis’, line fishing in 40 foot ‘cobles’. (Brit Zoo., III, pp. 193-4).
214. Ranald Macdonald, 18th Chief of Clan Ranald (known as ‘the Younger’, 1720-1776). As TP noted above on p.255, Canna had belonged to the Benedictine monastery of Iona, becoming part of the Kingdom of Scotland in 1266 under the nominal title of the Lord of the Isles. In 1581 the Bishop of the Isles rented Canna to the Chief of Clan Ranald: after changing hands several times, the island was leased back to Clan Ranald in 1654 by the Earl of Argyll. The active involvement of men from Clan Ranald in the Jacobite Uprisings of 1745 should have resulted in the forfeiture of the estate, ‘but they were saved from forfeiture on a legal technicality. Old Clan Ranald had safely stayed at home whilst his son Ranald who had been involved to the hilt in the rebellion was wrongly named ‘Donald’ in the Bill of Attainder in June 1746. Consequently, a legal protest was made on behalf of the Clan Ranalds on the grounds that Old Clanranald had not been in the Rising and that there was not such a person as ‘Donald, younger of Clanranald’, a protest sustained by the Edinburgh judges in 1751’. Although TP makes no mention of the fact, the position of ‘Baillie of Canna’ seems to have been bestowed upon the great Jacobite poet Alasdair mac Mhaigster Alasdair in 1750, presumably by Clanranald the Elder himself (although no documentation survives) ‘as a recompense for his role in the rising’: he proceeded to write some of his greatest poetry on the island, especially the Birlinn Clan Ranald. (See Campbell, Canna, p. 95, and Camille Dressler, ‘John Lorne Campbell on Alasdair mac Mhaighster Alasdair’, Alexander Macdonald, Bard of the Gaelic Enlightenment, ed. Camille Dressler and D.W. Stiùbhart, (Lewis: The Islands Book Trust, 2012), 43-50, 44. Ranald Macdonald the Younger returned from exile in France to Uist in 1754 and in 1756 ‘officially assumed control of the estates from his father’, but, struggling with heavy debts and factorial mismanagement, in 1764 he handed over control of the estates to the Edinburgh lawyer William Macdonald. In 1765, ‘a board of tutors was appointed to administer [the estates] in the event of Ranald’s son John succeeding during his minority’. At the time of TP’s visit, quarrels over ‘the economic direction and religious complexion of the Clan Ranald estates demonstrates that the aged Ranald was now sidelined, and had effectively lost control of his own property’ by the time of his death in 1776. Colin MacDonald of Boisdale had been appointed factor with the privilege of choosing his own tenants at will, with the raising of rents and shortening of leases. This was the chaotic context of TP’s account of Canna in 1772. See Dòmhnall Uilleam Stiùbhart, ‘The Historical Background to Marshall Macdonald’s Visit: South Uist and Benbecula’, in The French Macdonald: Journal of a Marshall of Napoleon in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland in 1825 (Lewis: The Islands Book Trust, 2010), 103-121, 108-112. In a letter to TP letter of 15th March, 1774, Macqueen claimed that he has been misinformed here, and that Clanranald had ‘set [Canna] to a Macleod and a Mackinnon’. (CT 0417 [external link]).
215. Unidentified. In 1745 the principal tenant of Canna was John Macdonald. See Isle of Canna Local History Group [external link]. But in a letter to TP letter of 15th March, 1775 (0417 [external link]), Macqueen wrote that he had been ‘MisInformed about Canna. Mr Macdonald of Clanranald Set the Island on to MacLeod And a Mackinnon — both these sublet their farms to small Tennants at much higher rents than they payed the Proprietor which is a common care in the Highlands. In the mean time these small tennants Are more at mercy in Narrow Islands than Any were Else and therefore the proprietor should indeed take Every precaution to guard them Against the Oppressions of the Principal Farmers’. In 1788 Lord Mount Stuart wrote that Hector MacNeill (granted a 24-year lease in 1781) ‘was the first Tacksman ever employed on the spot, therefore the small tenants governed or rather quarrelled amongst themselves’. (Campbell, Canna, p. 123).
216. The valuations on the Clanranald estates were all penny lands, sub-divided into halfpenny and farthing lands. To stock a penny land, according to TP's information, required a sum of £30 sterling, and it carried seven cows and two horses. See Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, Antiquarian Notes...Inverness-Shire (Inverness, 1897), pp. 260-2 (via HathiTrust.org [external link]).
217. See TP’s criticism of exploitative landlordism in his ‘Vision at Ardmaddie’ on pp. 362-9 below. Factors, Tacksmen, and tenants, as well as landlords, often exploited the rental system for personal profit. Hector MacNeill, originally a merchant from Kintyre, became tacksman of Canna in 1781, profiting greatly from his ‘improvements’ (especially kelp), to the extent that his son Donald was able to purchase the island from the insolvent Clan Ranald chief in 1827 for £9,000. (Campbell, Canna, p. 149-50). Hector’s ascent into the land-owning class was supported by his marriage into the gentry family of Colin MacDonald of Boisdale.
218. A pennyland (G. peighinn) is an old Scottish land measurement ‘based on taxation in Norse times. In some places it was considered as equivalent to 8 arable acres. In 1718 the rent of a pennyland in Keill, Canna, was 26 Scots merks (£17.6s.8d. Scots; £1.5s. 6.d sterling). By 1749 it had risen to 30 merks a penny-land. (Campbell, pp. 134-5).
219. TP describes the old ‘unimproved’ runrig system still being practiced on Canna in 1772.
220. See note to page 272 above. Lord Mount Stuart attributed the virtual ban on sheep to Hector MacNeill, but clearly it had preceded his arrival on Canna in 1781.
221. Lightfoot, Flora Scotica, 272. The tanin-rich roots of Tormentil (G. leanhnach) were used for tanning leather and fishing nets, although willow bark was said to be more suitable for nets as it helped keep the mesh elastic. It was reported that ‘it would take a man a whole day to dig up enough [tormentil] roots for a single infusion’. (Flora Celtica, p. 100)
222. The commercial burning of seaweed to make soda ash, a basic ingredient for the production of glass and soap. TP’s account of the kelping industry on Canna in 1772 is significant, because Walker makes no reference to it in 1764: Lord Mount Stuart recorded ’30 tons’ being harvested annually in 1788 ‘forming no inconsiderable part of the Canna resources’. (Campbell, p. 123). D-U Stiùbhart describes the Clan Ranald estates (especially South Uist and Benbecula) over the following decades as ‘a vast kelping plantation…whose factors would not scruple at using force to impose their will. The reorientation of Clan Ranald, and the new opportunities for profit and status resulting from the boom in the kelp industry, placed this society under unprecedented stress…matters would grow infinitely worse when boom turned to bust in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars’. The high labour force required for kelping fed the population explosion, causing congestion in local townships. (‘The Historical Background’, p. 106).
223. Known as the Parish of the Small Isles, instituted in 1726: formerly it had been united with the parish of Sleat on Skye.
224. ‘In 1783 the number of Catholics in Canna is given as 322, and in Eigg 450’. Dom Odo Blundell, quoted Campbell, p. 131.
225. Rev. Malcolm Macaskill (minister from 1757-1787) from Skye, known as ‘Am Ministear Làdir’ (‘the strong minister’) (Campbell, p.142).
226. Father James Macdonald, ‘who resides in Egg and who comes now and then for the purpose bringing with him the necessary ornaments…bred at the Scotch College at Paris’ (Campbell, pp.142; 124, 131).
227. In fact religious conflict in the Clan Ranald estates, especially between the Protestant Colin Macdonald of Boisdale and the Irish Franciscan Father Matthew Wynne, led the former to attempt the forcible conversion of his tenants, and a countermovement led by the Catholic Macdonald of Glenalladale in 1772 to ‘organise a major emigration of [Catholic] Clan Ranald tenantry over the Atlantic to…Price Edward’s Island’ in Novia Scotia (Stiùbhart, ‘The Historical Background’, p. 110-11).
228. A’ Chill (‘the cell or chapel). ‘In the centre of the principal town the old chapel appears quite in ruins with a curious shaped cross at a small distance the top broken off, what remains is carved with figures, you distinguish the lamb [?] very plain’. (Lord Mount Stuart, 1788, quoted in Campbell p. 123). See Trove.scot [external link].
229. An Coroghon, with ‘the Prison’: see Plate XXXII ‘View in Cannay’.
230. In fact Monro refers to ‘an Ile callit Rum’ (Western Isles p. 319). Walker mentions that ‘this island is called Rauneya by Torffaeus, and is often mentioned in the Poems of Ossian, by the name of Tongorma, from the Blue Colour of its Mountains’. (Report, p. 195). For much of the 20th c the island was known as ‘Rhum’, because the then owner, industrialist Sir George Bullough, resented the title of ‘Laird of Rum’. In 1991 the Nature Conservancy Council of Scotland (the forerunner to NatureScot, current owners of the island) reverted to the use of Rum without the h (correctly spelt Rùm in Gaelic).
231. In 1764, Dr Walker had reported ‘288 inhabitants…number of families 52, and about 5 persons to each family…Such a Number of People, living in the way of Husbandry, upon so small a Property is not perhaps to be found anywhere else in Europe’. (Report, p. 196).
232. Walker writes ‘The inhabitants of Rum adhaered strictly to the Popish Religion, till about the beginning of this Century, when in one Day, they were converted from Popery, and in this singular manner’. He then relates the story of what he calls the ‘Credivk Chall Vuy’ (Creideamh a’ bhata bhuidhe), or ‘the Faith of the Yellow Stick or Cane’. The Protestant Maclean of Coll [Hector Maclean, 11th of Coll] forced his Catholic tenants to attend Protestant service by ‘drubbing’ ‘the most resolute man among them’ with his cane, and ‘drove him into the House [of worship]. Upon this, they all followed, without any further Opposition, and so the Reformation of this Island was accomplished’. (Report, p. 197). This story was also related by Dr Johnson (To the Hebrides, p. 298). But probably apocryphal, as it is also related of Alexander Macdonald of Boisdale and his Catholic tenants on South Uist.
233. Askival (812 metres) (ON ‘Mountain of the Ash Trees’). For Dr Walker’s ascent of Askival in 1764, see Report, p. 196: ‘among these rocks, and among the straggling Junipers, I found such a Variety of rare Alpine Plants, as amply rewarded the Fatigue of the Journey’. Other significant mountains on Rum are Hallival (723 m), Barkeval (591 m), Trollval (or Trallval) and Ainshval (702 m).
234. ‘Orig. a certain weight of gold and silver estimated in monetary terms and used as a money of account from early times with the value of two thirds of the pound Scots or 13 shillings and 4 pence Scots which by the 18th c. was equivalent to 131/3d. sterling. A silver coin of this denomination was coined at intervals from the reign of James VI in 1578 to that of Charles II. As a money of account the name persisted into the 18th c., freq. as a collective plural.’ See Dictionaries of the Scots Language [external link].
235. See page 274 and note.
236. Correctly spelt ‘soum’. ‘A soum (or ‘soume’) was the unit of pasturage that could support a certain fixed number of livestock. The ‘soums’ varied regionally’ (Martin Rackwitz, Travels to Terra Incognita: The Scottish Highlands and Hebrides in Early Modern Travellers’ Accounts c. 1600-1800, (Munster: Waxman, 2007), p. 284.
237. Dwelly (‘Cuartaich’) quotes TP’s passage as a definition: ‘Farm servant in Hebrides, whose sole business is to preserve the grass and corn of his employer…’.
238. TP presumably means red deer in general rather than ‘stags. ‘In 1549 Dean Monro noted ‘an abundance of little deire’ and they were still numerous by 1750. In the second half of the 18th c, as the human population rose towards 300, the deer population became extinct’. Deer were reintroduced in 1845 after the Clearances when Rum became a sporting estate, and the population grew to between 1,200 and 1,700 head. (T.H. Clutton-Brock and F.E. Guinness, ‘Red Deer’, in Rhum: The Natural History of an Island, pp. 95-109, 95). In 1957 the island was purchased by the Nature Conservancy Council and became an important open-air laboratory for the study of deer ecology and of other flora and fauna. See also J.L. Campbell, ‘What became of the Native Deer?’ in A Very Civil People: Hebridean Folk, History and Tradition, ed. Hugh Cheape, (Birlinn, 2000), pp. 138-9.
239. Likely to be derived from folklore: see Edward Lluyd’s notes, derived from Rev. John Beaton on Mull: ‘The sea eagle kills a stag by alighting on [its] horns and blinding it, and after that it loses its proper senses, and becomes frenzied, and kills itself on the rocks. (Note: Martin Martin also makes this observation on the eagle in North Uist)’. See J.L. Campbell, ‘What Became of the Native Deer?’, p. 139, and Ann Mackenzie, Island Voices: Traditions of North Mull: Air Bilibh an t-Sluaigh, (Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2002), p. 185. Such stories encouraged the persecution and extermination of eagles in the centuries following TP’s visit.
240. Although he walked to Coire nan Grunnd, TP missed Rum’s main ornithological attraction, one of the world’s largest nesting colony of Manx Shearwaters (Procellaria puffinus, known as ‘Manx Puffins’ in the 17th century), which nest in burrows above 450 m on the upper slopes of the highest hills, especially Hallival, Askival, and the summit of Trollval. Love and Wormell suggest that Dean Monro and Martin were referring to these birds when they described: ‘many solane geese…in the island’; and ‘plenty of land and seafowl: some of the latter, especially the puffin, build in the hills as well as in the rocks on the coast’. (‘The Birds of Rhum’, p. 78). See Brit. Zoo. II, 433 ‘The Shear-water’, suggesting why TP might have missed them: ‘during the day they keep at sea, fishing; and towards evening return to their young; whom they feed, by discharging the contents of their stomachs into their mouths (II, 434). But it might also have been too late in the season.
241. ‘The shores of Rum abound with the Chalcedony, and blue and white Onyx, commonly known by the names of Agates or Pebbles; and I also found some few fine Specimens of the white Cornelian’. (Walker, Report, p. 198). Cornelian is ‘a semi-precious stone consisting of a dull red or reddish-white variety of chalcedony (quartz)’. For Chalcedony see mindat.org [external link].
242. Possibly Gabbro, ‘a dark, fairly dense rock [similar to basalt] but coarser grained, with crystals generally 4-5 mm or more in diameter’. For a table of Rum’s igneous rocks and minerals, see C.H. Emeleus, ‘The Rhum Volcano’ in Rhum: The Natural History of an Island, 11-26, 18.
243. TP here gives an historically important account of two ways of ‘gradanning’, a labour-intensive manner of preparing grain in the damp autumnal climate of the Hebrides, considered as woman’s work. Dodgshon writes: ‘the grain and chaff/straw were separated, and the grain dried by taking handfuls of the harvested crop and holding it over a fire, then shaking out the grain as the chaff and surrounding straw burnt away. Though the meal produces by such a method was dark, even black in colour, it was deemed wholesome…[but] banned… by the mid 18th c as landowners became more sensitive about the way in which it destroyed part of the straw value of the crop’. It was forbidden on the Argyll estates in Morvern (1733) and Tiree (1750), by Macleod of Dunvegan in Skye (1735), and elsewhere, although survived longer in the more remote islands. (From Chiefs to Landlords, pp.216-7). Rackwitz, Travels to Terra Incognita, pp. 308-10 quotes Martin, Burt and James Robertson’s descriptions of gradanning. The practice was superseded by threshing and milling over the following decades.
244. Referring to Boaz’s allowance to the Moabite widow Ruth (his future wife) in Ruth 2:17.
245. ‘And Jesse said unto David his son, Take now for thy brethren an ephah of this parched corn, and these ten loaves, and run to the camp to thy brethren; and carry these ten cheeses unto the captain of their thousand, and look how thy brethren fare, and take their pledge’. (I Samuel, 17:17-37). An ephah was an ancient Hebrew measurement equivalent to roughly forty pounds of wheat.
246. See Plate XXXIV ‘Women at the Quern and the Luaghad with a View of Talysker’, engraved from a drawing by Moses Griffith. ‘Once dried, grain was ground either by the conventional water mill, the horizontal mill, or the quern…in the more remote parts of the western seaboard and more generally in the Hebrides, grain was prepared with the small hand-quern…particularly suited to townships that did not possess a suitable or adequate fall of water and whose output was too small to sustain the cost of taking grain to what might be a distant mill and paying multures’. (Dodgshon, From Chiefs to Landlords, p. 217). See TP’s further comments on querns on page 286 below.
247. Matthew, 24:41.
248. John Stuart informed TP ‘it is called graddan bread from the quickness and expedition with which it is prepared…From grad quick or expeditious’ (1 Feb 1774, CT 0430 [external link]).
249. The Quern (G. brà) is succinctly described by Dr Johnson: ‘[it] consists of two stones, about a foot and a half in diameter; the lower is a little convex, to which the concavity of the upper must be fitted. In the middle of the upper stone is a round hole, and on one side is a long handle. The grinder sheds the corn gradually into the hole with one hand, and works the handle round with the other. The corn slides down the convexity of the lower stone, and by the motion of the upper is ground in its passage’. (To the Hebrides, pp. 197-8). See also Rackwitz, Travels, p. 311.
250. Dodgshon highlights the laboriousness of quern grinding using a contemporary account: ‘using [these] calculations for the total output of Tiree and for the amount of grain ground per day by two women with a quern (or three firlots of oats or six pecks of bere), we can estimate the total annual labour consumed as around that of 200 women, about one third of all those on the island, for three months each year’. He adds that by comparison, TP’s estimate here on Rum is ‘a rate marginally more productive than that for Tiree’. (From Chiefs to Landlords, pp. 217-8).
251. See pages 274-5 above, and note.
252. ‘During all the summer, they live entirely upon animal Food, and yet are healthy and long lived. The year before I was there, a man had died in the Island aged 103, who was 50 years of age before he had ever tasted Bread’ (Walker, Report, p. 196).
253. See Flora Celtica (p. 224) for medicinal use of tormentil to cure dysentery.
254. The Island…had not been visited by the Small Pox for 29 years; for by this disease upon former occasions, it had been almost depopulate’ (Walker, Report, p. 196).
255. Second Sight (G. An dà Shealladh) ‘The vision of the world is one sight, ordinarily possessed by all, but the world of spirits is visible only to certain persons, and the possession of this additional vision gives them ‘the two sights’, or what comes to the same thing, ‘a second sight’. Through this faculty they see the ghosts of the dead revisiting the earth, and the fetches, doubles, or apparitions of the living’. (J.G. Campbell, Gaelic Otherworld, ed. R. Black, pp. 240-70, 241). Interest was earlier aroused by Martin’s ‘Account of the Second Sight, in Irish called Taish’ (Description, pp. 180-99), and in the decade before TP’s visit, by Theophilus Insulanus [Rev. Donald Macleod of Hamer] A Treatise on the Second Sight, Dreams and Apparitions (Edinburgh 1763). Dr Johnson, who was fascinated by Second Sight, defined it more empirically as ‘an impression made either by the mind upon the eye, or by the eye upon the mind, by which things distant or future are perceived, and seen as if they were present’ (To the Hebrides, p. 201, and pp. 201-4). There is a large secondary literature on the phenomenon: see Shari Ann Cohn, ‘A Historical Review of Second Sight’, Scottish Studies, 33 (2000), pp.146-85, and Rackwitz, Travels, pp. 505-511.
256. Divination by shoulder-blade or scapulimancy (G. slinneineachd): ‘foretelling important events in the life of the owner of a slaughtered animal from the marks on the shoulder-blade, speal, or blade-bone’. (J.G. Campbell, Gaelic Otherworld, p. 144). See also Rackwitz, Travels, pp. 511.
257. In ancient Greece, the Pythia was a priestess of Apollo at Delphi who delivered oracles: ‘the seat of the oracle is a cave that is hollowed out deep down in the earth…from which arises breath that inspires a divine frenzy; and that over the mouth is placed a high tripod, mounting which the Pythian priestess receives the breath and then utters oracles’. See Strabo, Geography [9.3.5], trans. Horace Leonard Jones (Cambridge MA, 1917).
258. ‘A person of undoubted good character, born and brought up among believers in the second sight (and himself not incredulous on the subject) said: “I never knew a truthful, trustworthy man (duine firinneach creideasach) who was a taïsher (visionary)”. (J.G. Campbell, Gaelic Otherworld, p. 245). TP’s scepticism was maybe influenced by John Stuart’s remark that visionaries were always ‘persons of the weakest intellect, and of a vapourish imagination’. (To TP, 1 Feb 1774, CT 0430 [external link]). This contrasts with Dr Johnson’s judgement that ‘the Second Sight is only wonderful because it is rare, for, considered in itself, it involves no more difficulty than dreams, or perhaps than the regular exercise of the cogitative faculty…implies by antecedent reason, we must be content to yield to the force of testimony’ (To the Hebrides, p. 203).
259. Rev. Malcolm Macaskill, minister of the Small Isles, who resided on Eigg. See note to page 275.
260. One of several criticism mounted by TP against the Church of Scotland’s failure to provide adequate churches in remote parishes.